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Join the Conversation

s Moscow seeksgreater balance between New Delhi and Islamabad, popular and elite support for India’s partnership is likely totake a few knocks

One of the main sources of enduring Indian political goodwill for its traditional partner, Russia, has been thesense that the latter has been steadfast in its support for India in its disputes with Pakistan.

ndia has been less vocal about the Sino-Russian partnership, but itsanxieties are real. Until now, Pakistan has been out of this Indo-Russian-U.S.-Chinese dynamic.

The latest developments in Afghanistan could intensify Sino-Indian contradictions,consolidate Indian-U.S. relations, and produce greater distance between India and Russia—quickening the paceof the transformation of India’s great-power relationships that was already underway

But the growingsecurity challenges from China have rendered that assumption moot and nudged India closer than ever before tothe United States

Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov has not minced words in criticizing the Quad and the emerging Indo-Pacific constellation to contain China.

Moscow defended the decisionto keep New Delhi out by arguing the latter had little influence with the Taliban and therefore would not be ableto contribute to the peace process.

oscow has also kept India out ofthe so-called troika process.

For the last couple of years, Moscow has repeatedly emphasized the importance of engaging the Taliban, whileNew Delhi doubled down on its support for the elected government in Kabul.

aking matters worse for India is Russia’s new role in the region. New Delhi has not been too enthused byMoscow’s growing strategic partnership with Beijing in recent years

n the last few years, Beijing has gingerly stepped into Afghan politics and has been trying its hand atreconciliation diplomacy. I

ndia, of course, views a larger Chinese role in Afghanistan with some concern. New Delhi has warily watchedBeijing steadily expand its economic and military profile in the Indian subcontinent in recent years—in waysthat go beyond its traditional alignment with Islamabad.

A Chinese-Pakistanipartnership in Afghanistan will indeed be a major setback for India on its sensitive northwestern flank.

A strong partnership with Pakistan, which has considerable influence with the Taliban, enhances China’sprospects in Afghanistan.

Although Beijing has been strongly critical of the rushed U.S. withdrawal from Afghanistan, it has beenpreparing itself to play a larger role there.

If the United States defends its retrenchment in Afghanistan in the name ofconfronting the China challenge, many see fresh opportunities as well as challenges coming Beijing’s way in thewake of the U.S. withdrawal

The trend line in their relations with China is headed in opposite directions for India and Pakistan. While NewDelhi’s ties with Beijing have seen growing tensions in recent years, the partnership between the so-called ironbrothers—Pakistan and China—has been on the upswing

For India, which seesChina as a greater threat than Pakistan, the Biden administration’s focus on balancing China is certainlywelcome.

One of President Joe Biden’s justifications for ending the U.S. military intervention in Afghanistan is theimportance of coping with new challenges from a rising China in the Indo-Pacific region.

Under Prime Minister Narendra Modi, India has not hesitated in responding with muscular military means toconfront Pakistan’s support for cross-border terrorism.

t nearly $3 trillion, India’s GDP is now about 10 times larger thanPakistan’s

New Delhi is probably better prepared than before in dealing with the Pakistan challenge, including thelatter’s instrumentalization of Islamist movements to foreign-policy ends. T

To be sure, India’s concerns about cross-border terrorism will mount with the return of Afghanistan to Talibanrule.

New Delhi, however, will be pleased byany reduction in the salience of Pakistan in the Indian-U.S. partnership.

at the U.S. withdrawal from Afghanistan could significantly weaken the current strategicpartnership between Washington and Islamabad

New Delhi had no choice but to come to terms with the diminishing domestic political support inWashington for the so-called forever war and the inevitability of a post-U.S. Afghanistan.

or long, India’s foreign-policy elite grumbled about the dangers of the United States leaving Afghanistan at themercy of the Taliban, so assiduously nurtured over the decades by the Pakistan Army.

greater cooperation with Washington, deeper conflicts with Beijing, andwider fissures in the traditional strategic partnership with Moscow.

Conclusion

Finally, liberal norms add a further limitation on the use ofpower by shaping our understanding of what types of behaviour areappropriate.

At the international level institutions andorganisations limit the power of states by fostering cooperation and providinga means for imposing costs on states that violate international agreements.

A core argument of liberalism is that concentrations of unaccountable violentpower are the fundamental threat to individual liberty and must be restrained

A liberal citizenry will naturally opposegovernment actions that threaten individual liberty and choose represen-tatives that will act on liberal preferences.

For example, anti-statism (a belief that thepower of the government should be limited) and anti-imperialism (a belief thatconquest of foreign peoples is wrong) are liberal norms.

US relations with Mexico in this case show how institutional and normativedomestic structures restrained the use of violent power

First, he saw the Houses of Congress (with thesupport of some members of the executive branch) attempting to determinethe foreign policy of the United States, which Wilson viewed as uncon-stitutional. In the American system, the president has the authority to conductforeign policy.

By 1919, a pro-interventionist coalition developed in the United States built onfrustration with President Wilson’s prior restraint and new fears over theMexican Constitution of 1917, which gave the Mexican people ownership ofall subsoil resources.

Wilson did notactually follow any of the advice he received. Instead, he reduced his waraims, halted his forces at Veracruz and withdrew US forces within a fewmonths.

The initialobjectives of the American war plan were to occupy Veracruz andneighbouring Tampico and then blockade the east coast of Mexico untilAmerican honour was vindicated – or a regime change occurred in Mexico

The United Statesexhibited such restraint because, as suggested by liberal theory, its politicalstructure limited expansionism.

One simple measure is the level of colonial territory it accruedcompared to other great powers. By 1913, the United States claimed 310,000square kilometres of colonial territory, compared to 2,360,000 for Belgium,2,940,000 for Germany and 32,860,000 for the United Kingdom (Bairoch1993, 83).

During thisperiod, the United States was liberal, but according to the dominant historicalnarrative, also imperialistic (see Meiser 2015)

In these cases, allsignatories to the agreement can benefit from absolute gains.

Insituations where a state can gain from cheating and escape punishment,defection is likely.

This type of scholarship is commonly referred to as‘neoliberal institutionalism’ – often shortened to just ‘neoliberalism’.

For example, favourable views of theUnited States decreased significantly around the world following the 2003invasion of Iraq because the invasion was undertaken unilaterally (outside

The third element of the liberal international order is international norms.Liberal norms favour international cooperation, human rights, democracy andrule of law.

States with extensive trade ties are therefore strongly incentivised tomaintain peaceful relations.

Second, the spread of free trade and capitalism through the efforts ofpowerful liberal states and international organisations like the World TradeOrganization, the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank creates anopen, market-based, international economic system.

First, international law and agreements are accompanied by internationalorganisations to create an international system that goes significantly beyondone of just states.

Furthermore, an aggressive state also risksmissing out on the benefits of peace, such as the gains from internationaltrade, foreign aid and diplomatic recognition

under international law, wars of aggression are prohibited.

We currently live in an international system structured by the liberal worldorder built after the Second World War (1939–1945). The internationalinstitutions, organisations and norms (expected behaviours) of this worldorder are built on the same foundations as domestic liberal institutions andnorms;

First, democracy is a relativelyrecent development in human history.

Second, democracies tend to see each other as legitimateand unthreatening and therefore have a higher capacity for cooperation witheach other than they do with non-democracies.

First, democratic states are characterised by internal restraints on power, asdescribed above.

Democratic peace theory is perhaps the strongest contribution liberalismmakes to IR theory. It asserts that democratic states are highly unlikely to goto war with one another

A second important limitation on political power is the division ofpolitical power among different branches and levels of government – such asa parliament/congress, an executive and a legal system.

For liberals, therefore, thecore problem is how to develop a political system that can allow states toprotect themselves from foreign threats without subverting the individualliberty of its citizenry.

Wars of territorial expansion, or imperialism – when states seek to buildempires by taking territory overseas – are especially disturbing for liberals.Not only do expansionist wars strengthen the state at the expense of thepeople, these wars also require long-term commitments to the militaryoccupation and political control of foreign territory and peoples.

The primary concern is thatwar requires states to build up military power.

A political systemcharacterised by unchecked power, such as a monarchy or a dictatorship,cannot protect the life and liberty of its citizens.

Liberalism is based on the moral argument that ensuring the right of anindividual person to life, liberty and property is the highest goal of govern-ment.

Most notably, liberalism has been the traditionalfoil of realism in IR theory as it offers a more optimistic world view, groundedin a different reading of history to that found in realist scholarship

Liberalism contains a variety of concepts and argu-ments about how institutions, behaviours and economic connections containand mitigate the violent power of states.

Liberalism is a defining feature of modern democracy, illustrated by theprevalence of the term ‘liberal democracy’ as a way to describe countries withfree and fair elections, rule of law and protected civil liberties.

In Town With Little Water, Coca-Cola Is Everywhere. So IsDiabetes.

SAN CRISTÓBAL DE LAS CASAS, Mexico

But the main draw here for tourists is to watch the faithful, who pray over bottles of Coke or Pepsi

Inside the town's whitewashed church, tourists step gingerly across carpets of fresh pine needles as copal incense and smoke fromhundreds of candles fill the air

Since bottles of Coca-Cola arrived here a half-century ago, the beverage has been deeply intertwined with the local culture.

Soft drinks have always been more available thanwater,"

"I'm worried I'll end up blind or without a foot or a hand," she said. "I'm very scared.

"Indigenous people ate very simple food," said Mr. López, the activist, who spent years living with rural communities as a missionary."And when Coke arrived, their bodies weren't ready for it.

Mexicans, he said, may havea genetic proclivity toward diabetes

"a gesture ofrespect toward indigenous communities."

aggressive marketing campaigns by Coke and Pepsi that started in the 1960s helped embed sugary softdrinks into local religious practices, which blend Catholicism with Maya rituals.

the ubiquity of cheap Coca-Cola -- and the diabetes that stalks nearly every household -- simplycompounds their anger toward the soft drink company

Many Tzotzil believe carbonated soda has the power to heal the sick.

"We're not against the treatment plant,"

while the infrastructure thatserves the residents of San Cristóbal is literally crumbling.

Laura Mebert, a social scientist at Kettering University in Michigan who has studied the conflict, says Coca-Cola pays adisproportionately small amount for its water privileges -- about 10 cents per 260 gallons.

"Coca-Cola is abusive, manipulative,"

Coca-Cola has come to symbolize thefrustrations that many Mexicans feel about their northern neighbor

Climate change, scientists say, has also played a role in the failure of artesian wells that sustained San Cristóbal for generations

rapid urbanization, poor planning and a lack of government investment that has allowed the city's infrastructure to crumble.

Coca-Cola executives and some outside experts say the company has been unfairly maligned for the water shortages.

"When you see that institutions aren't providing something as basic as water and sanitation, but you have this company with secureaccess to one of the best water sources, of course it gives you a shock,"

"Coca-Cola killsus" and demanding that the government shut the plant down

The plant has permits to extract more than 300,000 gallons of water a day

Buffeted by the dual crises of the diabetes epidemic and the chronic water shortage, residents of San Cristóbal have identified whatthey believe is the singular culprit: the hulking Coca-Cola factory on the edge of town

"Now, you seethe kids drinking Coke and not water.

as struggledwith obesity and diabetes

The mortality rate from diabetes in Chiapas increased 30 percent between 2013and 2016

many residents drink Coca-Cola, which is produced by a local bottling plant, can be easier to find than bottled water and is almostas cheap.

When it does trickle from her tap, the water is so heavily chlorinated, she said, it'sundrinkable

Conclusion

Hostilities and disagreement amongst the United States and Russiaexemplify a reduction in each state’s commitment to human security and the betterment of the world.

UN is a vital platform for providing states with aforum to voice their opposition to a nation’s behavior.

Ultimately, critics of the UNSC have consolidatedreform into seven demands – “that the Council be: more representative, more accountable, more legitimate, moredemocratic, more transparent, more effective, and more fair and even-handed”.

human security is privileged over international order as a basicpublic good”.[

the United Nationscannot be expected to uphold its commitment as a defender of international peace and security withoutacknowledging the dire need for institutional reform that better enables it to respond to modern conflict

All proposed reforms were differing iterations of methods to expand permanent membership orveto authority in the body.

Russia has used its veto on [multiple] occasions, largely to avoid scrutiny over its actions in Syria”.[

Anotherexample of UNSC reform could involve placing limitations on the use of the veto powe

“regional powers, such as Brazil, Germany, India, Japan,Nigeria and South Africa, have sought to enlarge the council or secure permanent seats of their own”

it is evident that the UNSC’spresent structure is unsuitable for addressing modern conflicts

the development of customary norms takes aconsiderable degree of time and is often prescribed following a case of war crimes, genocide, ethnic cleansing, orcrimes against humanity.

R2P can besolidified as a norm in customary international law, which “results from a general and consistent practices of statesthat they follow from a sense of legal obligation”.[

Therefore, it is theresponsibility of member states to address the prevalent threats that prevent the UN from fulfilling its mandate ofpreserving international peace and security.

the lack of institutional remedies thwarts the capacity for the UN “to providepublic goods in the realm of human security”.

R2P

While the UN has well-functioning mechanisms and entities in place to assist with the aftermath of conflict, thepresent functioning of its central organ renders it unable to prevent or react immediately to modern war,demonstrating the need for organizational reform to carry out its mandate as a preserver of international peace andsecurity.

Cold War antagonisms”

the self-interest driven tactics of states engaged in Syria is similarly “likely to deny the Syrian people the rightto choose their own destiny”.

Inaction is ultimately the fault of states that choose to prioritize realist policies overuniversal human security

“enthusiasm for United Nationsengagement in civil wars was abruptly curtailed by experiences in Somalia, Rwanda, and Bosnia”,

The Syrian Civil War exemplifies shortfalls in the ability for the present structure of the United Nations to adequatelytackle the complexities presented in modern,

a significant failure for both the international community and the UNSC.

a trend that will further hinder prospective peace buildingefforts.[

responsibility to protect (R2P)

Russia, as of now, has vetoed ten resolutions pertaining to Syriain furtherance of its support for the Assad regime.[

April 7, 2018 suspected chemical attack inthe Damascus suburb of Douma.[

“a campaign of carnage,turning an enormous cache of deadly weapons against the very people they were presumably stockpiled to protect”

“growing discomfort with UN involvement in the internal struggles of Arab countries”, the sheer magnitude of theconflict and dire humanitarian crisis has furthered state interest in aiding resolution efforts.[32]

UNSC Resolution 2165

“heightened tensions between the United States and Russia have manifestedanew in the Council, leading to concerns that the body may be less able to defuse crises”.[

“half a million Syrians [being]killed, most by pro-regime forces, and more than half of the country’s prewar population of some twenty-two million[being] displaced”.[24]

, terrorism has significantly contributed to not only compounding the complexity of the overall conflict,

led to increased military

Shiite-backed troops of President Bashar al-Assad and the predominantly Sunni Gulfstates.

As more than four competing networks vie to achieve their respective geopolitical objectives inthe country, the fundamental humanitarian necessity of protecting civilian lives from heinous atrocities has becomediluted as a result of the struggles presented by the ever-intensifying war.

Following the initial 2011 Arab Spring uprisings, Syria emerged at the center of what has now deteriorated into nearlya decade of complex civil unrest that has challenged the international community and its ability to intervene in thewar.

“weighed and balanced against individual sovereignty, asrecognized in the international human rights instruments”

Thelack of international mechanisms with the jurisdiction and capacity to hold non-state actors accountable has limitedthe UN’s success in intervening in civil unrest.

demands to civil war parties [becoming] more numerousand increasingly oriented toward post-conflict peace building between 1989 and 2006”.

In the past decade, civil unrest has grown increasingly prevalent throughout the world and has subsequentlychallenged the international community in pressuring non-state and state actors to comply by the demands of theSecurity Council.[

proxy strategies

Evidently, there is a disconnect between presentthreats to international security and the capacity for entities such as the UNSC to effectively mediate and mitigateconflict.

With the determination of the P-5having been structured in the aftermath of World War II, critics note that the current authority of the bodydisproportionately favors the positions of the permanent members, thus hindering the UNSC’s ability to distance itselffrom the sovereign interests of states when attempting to combat international security risks.

“its efficacy and authority as a mediator on matters of international security” is ongoingand increasingly prevalent in light of presently deteriorating modern conflicts.

The UN and its contemporary challenges

A plethora of contemporary challenges have exposed the UN to criticism in its ability to evolve with changes ingeopolitics, most notably the organization’s responsive rather than reactive approach to confronting internationalcrises and the rise in nations disinterested in international consensus building.

the denial of human security to the citizens in one ormore states as a result of civil conflict and strife”.

geopolitic

United Nations Security Council (UNSC

“a guardian of international peace and security, as a promoter of human rights, as a protectorof international law, and as an engineer of socioeconomic advancement”

References

A common and constant struggleagainst these realities, that are dangerous for humanitarianism in all its meanings, could therefore be the first step tocreate an unprecedented synergy between RC and DWB, a synergy that could lead the two organizations to nolonger be “differently neutral”.

Thereare reports of cases in which some NGOs appear to be in league with the traffickers of migrants, and it is probablytrue – as documented by Polman and other journalists – that there are some “facade” NGOs more careful to collectsubstantial amounts of money than to spend it where it is actually necessary

the search for a solution must be first of allpolitical

it would be appropriate if realities such as “RedCross” and “Doctors Without Borders” organized a debate,

The Minister has not argued with a specific NGO,

only the total endof all cooperation with NGOs can block migrant smuggling and the consequent deaths,

The Interior Minister’s reasoning is as radical as Linda Polman’s

he cooperation between IRC and MOAS would also have otherreasons, apart from a common “institutional attitude”.

The strict respect of humanitarian principles recognized at an international level is for us a fundamental prerequisite.Also in this area of humanitarian intervention, however, a different sensitivity of RC, and not only of it, was detected:

The presence of armed police officers on board is contrary to the “no-weapons” policy thatwe adopt strictly in all our projects in the world.

thecommitment to ensure that the competent authorities of the flag state are kept constantly informed

DWB, however, refused to sign the document, and consigned the Minister a letter explaining in detail the reasons forthis choice:

he Interior Minister of the previous government issued a Behaviour Codefor NGOs that were committed in Search and Rescue activity (SAR).

RC is markedby an “institutional attitude” that makes it a more reliable partner for states, while DWB and Emergency would havean “antagonistic attitude

the different interpretation of “neutrality” developed by the twosides

between the two organizations there is certainly the willingness to cooperate

a positive example is the cooperation that the International Committee of the Red Cross, AmnestyInternational, Human Rights Watch and other NGOs managed to realize in 1998.

he cooperation between RCand DWB is certainly preferable to their contrast, considering their aims and their common fields of activity.

The brand strength dimension andcomposite means are all significantly greater for RC than for DWB (ibid., 1464).

We tested the ability of the scale to distinguish between the two brands. We expected RC to have a higher level ofbrand strength than DWB because of its slightly greater popularity (1st and 3rd, respectively, out of 1100 charities).We followed the procedures used in the prior two studies (Reviewer Appendix U).

RC remains a strong, well-established and extremely popular organization

When do humanitarian principles cease to be ethical?

The possibility of doing nothing must exist, if in certain circumstances it is better that way,

the principle of neutrality is extremely negative and counter-productive

heir criticism concerns the way NGOs operate and the consequences they cause.