phenomenon is not a weakness

In the studies we discussed, we came across no examples of where that excellentgroundwork had led to research collaborations which took that work forward andscaled it up and out into a more public arena

maintain coherenc

Firstly, working with users as research partners increases the range of interpretationsof the problem. Indeed, this is one of the main purposes of user engagement

The dynamicsand priorities of each system meant that for each of them, educational research wassomething different

boundaries between research and practice

he different purposes ofresearch for different participants

remaining faithful to the research designs

For example, itwas essential that classroom practitioners saw the time they spent on the research asworthwhile for their pupils;

Practitioner warrants ensured thatresearch products would be acceptable to practice communities which

providing knowledge to thosewho choose or can access it to enable then to transform the world.

Too much social science research is inward looking, too piecemeal rather than helpingto build knowledge in a cumulative way

David Ericson (1997, p. 501) puts it, is with ‘classroom survival

knowledge industry

We live in a social universe in which the formation, circulation and utilization of knowledge presents a fundamental problem. If the accumulation of capital has been an essential feature of our society, the accumulation of knowledge has not been any less so. Now, the exercise, production and accumulation of this knowledge cannot be dissociated from the mechanisms of power; complex relations exist which must be analyzed.

He argues that the distinctions between managers and workers, learning and working, are becoming blurred

Finally, he argues that changes in economic institutions have counterparts in the political sphere, demanding institutions of the open society such as a free press, transparent government, pluralism, checks and balances, toleration, freedom of thought and open public debate. This political openness is essential for the success of the transformation towards a knowledge economy.

know‐why’

know‐what

demonstrates

knowledge capitalism

knowledge is different from other goods in that it shares many of the properties of a global public good which implies a key role for governments in protecting intellectual property rights in a global economy marked by greater potential monopolies than those of the industrial age

Ideal‐type model of internal governance of universities

Consumer: managerial accountability, associated with market systems, based on price; which works in terms of contracts in which the performance is rewarded or punished according to the achievement of pre‐set targets and externally imposed objectives.

Such policies are the logical outcome of privatization: in the private sector employers are not permitted to criticize their employer in public.

A prioritization of research in terms of quantity of research income rather than in terms of numbers of publications produced or in terms of quality of scholarship.

this sense, the top segment of the tertiary education market is not contestable:

to obtain ‘funded research’

for neoliberals see the professions as self‐interested groups who indulge in rent‐seeking behaviour.

Traditional conceptions of professionalism involved an ascription of rights and powers over work in line with classical liberal notions of freedom of the individual. Market pressures increasingly encroach and redesign their traditional understandings of rights, as TEIs must adapt to market trends (for example, just as individual departments and academics are being told of the necessity for acquiring external research grants, so they are also being told they must teach summer schools

Such hierarchically imposed specifications erode traditional conceptions of professional autonomy over work in relation to both teaching and research. Neoliberalism systematically deconstructs the space in terms of which professional autonomy is exercised

shift from collegial or democratic governance in flat structures,

‘public service ethic’ whereby organizations were governed according to norms and values derived from assumptions about the ‘common good’ or ‘public interest’ with a new set of contractualist norms and rules. Hence notions of ‘professional’, ‘trustee’ or ‘fiduciary’ are conceived as ‘principal/agent relationships’.

reduced to an economic production function

ncreased distrust and disruption instead of the theorized would‐be benefits of greater contestability.

Where transparency is a feature of the agreement process.

Where there is an objective basis for judging performance.

held accountable

one’s effective rights to do things and effective claims to reward (positive or negative) as a result of one’s action’

context assuming individual self‐interest maximisation, bounded rationality, risk‐aversion, goal conflict among members

the agency model has serious deficiencies if applied uncritically to public sector management

n the context of these potentially disruptive influences, TCE proposes that forms of administrative and governance structures can be instituted which counteract these adverse effects and which render transaction costs efficient relative to a specific form of market competition.

In this sense, the convenience of preserving an existing arrangement, or of continuing to hire existing staff, may override the fact that more competitive tenders exist, or that ‘better’ or less disruptive staff could be employed.

1. Determining the best form of contract.2. Determining the best way of motivating agents.3. Determining the best way of spurring performance (via targets, rewards and sanctions).4. Finding the best way of monitoring and specifying contracts to guard against excesses and dangers produced by opportunism on part of agent, due to ‘shirking’ deception, cheating or collusion

or classical political economy, as a natural, self‐regulating reserve, where the hand of nature will produce an optimal social and economic equilibrium, would now become a technique of government’s ‘positive’ power, acting deliberately through the vehicle of the state to engineer the conditions for efficient economic production.

‘local knowledge’

which a domain of individual freedom could be secure

auditing, accounting and management.

the rational principle for regulating and limiting governmental activity must be determined by reference to artificially arranged or contrived forms of free, entrepreneurial and competitive conduct of economic‐rational individuals.

he traditional professional culture of open intellectual enquiry and debate has been replaced with a institutional stress on performativity, as evidenced by the emergence of an emphasis on measured outputs

This is more a sociology of knowers and their relationships than ofknowledge

to evermore rarefied specialisations or iterations of the voice category

These weak languages of descriptions canonlyproduce accounts in which positionsand relations are re-presented as characters and the drama of their relationships.Where experience replaces theory as the author of knowledge, the privileging of themundane does not abolish theory; it systematically denies and obscures its owntheoretical genesis. (Moore & Muller, 1999, p. 202)

ver-emphasis upon‘‘exclusive voices or standpoints’

Rob Moore and Joe Muller (1999) for taking whatthey see as an untenable epistemological position

In his much acclaimedLearning to Labour(1977), Paul Willis befriended andlistened to a group of working-class ‘‘lads’’ talking about their lives, their schoolingand their prospects. He saw what they saw*/a systematic oppression of the workingclasses*/and learnt about how they resisted but also reinterpreted their destinies asmanual labourers within a capitalist economy. Although criticised for its romanti-cisation of such forms of ‘‘resistance’’, its lack of real political engagement(theory/praxis relationship) and its structuralist dualisms (see Arnot, 2004), thisresearch established the parameters of critical voice research which grew rapidly.

a process we have identified that we believe to be important to all learners. Achieving voice means developing a mature and considered sense of what is important and valued in one’s life. Without achieving voice, we argue, it is not possible to criticise common social discourse. Voice is idiosyncratic; it is a sense of self, derived from experience and history. It implies a value, maturity and a sense of self that is solid and sustainable. Voice is a sense of self which provides the lens through which one views the world.

‘selective tradition’

To challenge normative theory or dominant discourses, it must be a voice that is not lost by adopting ‘taken for granted’ (Greene, 1988, p. 13) ‘middle-class’ positions

serve a purpose

voice’ activities merely canvas opinion.)

‘spotting the response acceptable to the teacher’ rather than engaging with the text

Bourdieu made a distinction between the content of the message and the mode of giving the message, arguing that both were equally important. The way that a message was given could influence the shaping of the recipients’ identity.

Gaining such an overview of AR is difficult, in part because of the organization of AR praxis. Action researchers are found in social service agencies, nongovernmental organizations, international development agencies, planning departments, and industry and are spread around the disciplines in academic institutions (for example, education, planning, communications, social services, program evaluation, sociology, anthropology, organizational [Page 5]behavior). Almost nowhere in academia is there a “department” of action research. Rather, networks of colleagues from diverse disciplines share an interest in AR. One result is that AR practitioners have very little common knowledge, read different journals and books, and often write in ignorance of relevant contributions of others in AR from other fields

Because it is a research practice with a social change agenda, AR involves a critique of conventional academic practices and organizations that assert either the necessity or desirability of studying social problems without trying to resolve them

the professional researcher and the stakeholders define

improve the participants' situation

benign or neutral, but, rather, must be seen as informed by social contracts and historical projects for moulding, making and disciplining the human subject, populaces, and communities – and for shaping and distributing cultural and material resources.

assumes a direct connection between critical reflection and action

democratic transformation of schooling and society’. Critical pedagogy is not itself the magic wand and does not itself transform but it gives learners the capacity to transform.

Fabian Socialism was named after the Roman general Quintas Fabius Maximus, who preferred attacks of incremental attrition in his war with Hannibal, rather than direct military confrontation.

Reconstructionist theory has always had a more successful relationship with leftist thinkers;

which treats schools and teachers as major entities that are instrumental in directing social and cultural change

or example, should educators form unions or community cooperatives?

an educational movement, guided by passion and principle to help students develop consciousness of freedom, recognize authoritarian tendencies and connect knowledge to power and the ability to take constructive action’ (Giroux, 2010Giroux, H. (1983) Theory and Resistance in Education: A Pedagogy for the Opposition (South Hadley,MA, Bergin and Garvey). [Google Scholar], p. 1).

Discourse ethics will clarify normative and value questions of individuals by considering the results of communication

discourse ethics’

strategic rationality

but for groups and communities.

suggesting the alternative transformative practice of ‘reflective disclosure’. These ‘reflective disclosures’ amount to practices we can imagine as alternative scenarios of current political and social issues by simply ‘trying’ solutions

‘possibility-disclosing’ social practice of philosophical criticism

we

Habermas argues that Marxist theories are narrowly based on ‘crisis analysis’

false consciousness’

Horkheimer a theory is ‘critical’ to the extent that it not only seeks to explain, understand and interpret society, but also to the extent it seeks to change and ‘to liberate human beings from the circumstances that enslave them’

Theodore Adorno argued that capitalism had become more entrenched through its attack on the objective basis of revolutionary consciousness and through liquidation of the individualism that had been the basis of critical consciousness.

For one, there is a denunciation of the Oxford–Cambridge bookishness of classical philosophy and education and its reliance upon ancient knowledge; much of it he regarded as inaccurate. It is of interest that Webb advocated a ‘core curriculum design’ where studies would extend into adult life in order to create a ‘world consciousness’ reminiscent of the critical theorists calls for global economic responsibility and consciousness. Webb doubted whether teachers alone could achieve such aims (cf. Webb 1919Webb, B. (1952) Diaries 1912–1924 (M. Cole, Ed.)(London, Longmans, Green and Co.). [Google Scholar]). In his book The Teacher in Politics, Webb criticized teachers for their past failures to formulate reformist policy. Webb proposed replacing the classical, private education structures with a vocationally directed system based upon science, technology, social sciences and European studies. A realist program of studies for London University, he proposed research and professional studies as a way to bring social reform. Even the Faculty of Arts would have to become professional too, through teaching some 50 languages and world literature. Thus a ‘practical education’ was sought. On the whole his ideas have come to be fully realized in twentieth-century and twenty-first-century European universities. Fabians regarded certain elements in education as obstacles – notably, the conservatism of the independent (private) public schools and the old universities of Oxford and Cambridge. In order to achieve the objectives of a reconstructed society, new institutions had to be planned. The private institutions represented powerful social elites and their interests. These reproduced this selective elitist interest and power in British society.

assembling experts who could attack these problems.

They had reform zeal and a passion to collect facts as an empirical basis for policy-making. From 1884 to 1930 the Society examined many social issues, including poverty under capitalism, workers compensation, wages, conditions of employment, rural de-population, public health, school nurseries and city pawnshops.

the handsome price of six shillings.

Yet it was the Fabians who most successfully addressed the problems of poverty and social inequality through research and education in modern Britain

if they held such credentials –

These collective tangible institutions are more of a concrete legacy than that left by Karl Marx when all is said and done.

reconstructionists’.

For Horkheimer a theory is ‘critical’ to the extent that it not only seeks to explain, understand and interpret society, but also to the extent it seeks to change and ‘to liberate human beings from the circumstances that enslave them’ (Horkheimer, 1937, p. 242).

Identifying the purpose or intention of the enquirer or researcher is a very important starting point for critiquing and understanding any piece of research and is something you need to develop as you engage in study at masters level.

This is a belief about what being or existing in the social world (with a specific epistemology) is like and, thus, what one wants to observe going on in that world in order to understand it; for example, can we be solitary ‘knowers’ or do we depend on other knowers to have an identity? An example of an ontological position is Bruner’s (1996, p. 20) account of how people develop ‘intersubjectivity’ – the human ability to understand the minds of others and thus share meaning.

Consider what you think ‘knowledge’ is like: is it something ‘fixed, ‘out there’, readily shareable by everyone in the world? Or is it created by people in the moment in social interactions?

The module team understands ‘theory’ as being a set of interrelated principles and ideas with widely applicable analytic and explanatory power which help us to perceive a situation in a consistent or new way – i.e. we are able to rise above the ‘common sense’ and engage ‘critically’

Try to identify two or three policies or initiatives within your setting and consider whether or not they exemplify a neoliberal perspective. If you think they do, attempt to articulate the values and assumptions that lie behind them. If you think they do not, identify the values that underpin them and consider why these do not accord with a neoliberal perspective.

Consider what type of social justice or equality is promoted by the values apparent in your setting.

emancipation to the working class

Across the education sector there is a focus on reforming state education ‘along managerialist and entrepreneurial lines’

the purpose of education are subsumed in issues of accountability and performativity

what works’ – correlations and predictions

In her argument principles of justice areembodied both in public institutions and in individual characters.This ‘both-and’ approach is important, given that institutions arenever perfect or ‘knave-proof’; it therefore helps she says ‘not tohave too many knaves around’ (p. 187). She explicates further:

Their choices embodydifferent conceptions of the good life, and the point here is not tosay that one conception is ‘better’ than the other.

Unlike utilitarian ‘key skills’ conceptions of ‘teamwork’, Nussbaum’s capabilities offer a nuanced and holistic under-standing of a pedagogy of inclusion – developing the confidence todefend a point of view, while taking into account the perspectives ofthose who differ from oneself.

being working class isn’t just about being “deprived”

capabilities approach

but nowhere is edu-cation an uncomplicated ‘good’; it produces both justice and injus-tice, equity and inequity

big’ accounts of social justice

As such, drawing on Fraser's model to make sense of the messy terrain of schooling and equity policy, research and practice requires a cautious approach that is cognisant of, and transparent about, the arbitrariness of this boundary making and the often lack of distinctiveness between and amid matters of economic, cultural and political justice.

Again, to refer to Fraser, the important issue here is how such distinctiveness is represented and mobilised – it can be mobilised as a strategy of the particular that is not about exclusions or the simplifying and hypostatising of culture but about overcoming status subordination

Fraser argues that political space or frames can be powerful instruments of injustice as they ‘furnish the stage on which struggles for justice are played out’; they ‘establish the criteria of social belonging’ and thus determine who and what counts in matters of distributive, recognitive and representative justice

westphalian

An identity politics that reifies group identity and displaces a politics of redistribution is, as Fraser argues, deeply flawed

eification that occur within curricula that superficially engages with marginalised knowledges

reification

This suggestion importantly does not treat misrecognition as a ‘free-standing cultural harm’ but understands its location within broader social–structural conditions

An additional problematic of such reification is its tendency to reduce all Indigenous educational phenomena to problems of the ‘cultural’ – which isolates issues of racism from other political antagonisms, especially those associated with class and gender

reflects the multidimensionality of justice claims.

However, such principles do not tend to acknowledge issues of political or representative justice

a purely distributive approach fails to consider how matters of cultural disadvantage constrain students' educational outcomes.

. Similar distributive principles are reflected in initiatives in the United States and other western contexts aimed at supporting other ‘at-risk’ students, for example, students with violence and substance abuse issues; pregnant and parenting students; and refugee students. In these instances, the allocation of extra human and material resources to support these students' school retention, participation and achievement might include, for example, specialised counselling and therapy services, family services, parenting education, transportation assistance, housing assistance, childcare services; financial assistance; literacy support and translation services; and other community/social outreach services (Amin, Browne, Ahmed, & Sato, 2006Amin, R.Browne, D.C. 2006. A study of an alternative school for pregnant and/or parenting teens: Quantitative and qualitative evidence. Child and Adolescent Social Work Journal, 23(2): 172–195.  [Crossref], [Google Scholar]; Carswell, Hanlon, O'Grady, Watts, & Pothong, 2009Carswell, S.B., Hanlon, T.E., O'Grady, K.E., Watts, A.M. and Pothong, P. 2009. A preventive intervention program for urban African American youth attending an alternative education program: Background, implementation, and feasibility. Education and Treatment of Children, 32(3): 445–469.  [Crossref], [Google Scholar]).

key platform of socially just schooling then must be to prepare students for their future productive participation within this market.

rawing on this theorising, the review examines some of the key tensions associated with political representation (again) referring to the sphere of Indigenous education, namely the problematics of voice in linking representation to identity in reductionist and simplistic ways

she argues that current forms of identity politics have curtailed justice in simplifying and reifying group identity – encouraging separatism and intolerance

Fraser argues that justice for all is possible when the structures of the economy reflect an equitable distribution of material resources

o forth and