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    1. Upon these considerations, it is the opinion of the court that the act of Congress which prohibited a citizen from holding and owning property of this kind in the territory of the United States north of the line therein mentioned, is not warranted by the Constitution, and is therefore void

      Taney invalidates the Missouri Compromise based on what the framers intended about property rights and slavery. I disagree, because this blocks progress toward equality and was a step backward for civil rights.

    2. And if the Constitution recognises the right of property of the master in a slave, and makes no distinction between that description of property and other property owned by a citizen,

      Taney uses the original language and intent of the framers to argue that the Constitution protected slavery as property. I disagree, because treating people as property is incompatible with modern human rights.

    3. In discussing this question, we must not confound the rights of citizenship which a State may confer within its own limits, and the rights of citizenship as a member of the Union.

      Taney draws on the original distinction between state and federal citizenship to argue against Scott’s rights. I disagree, because citizenship should be equal and not subject to outdated interpretations.

    4. It is very clear, therefore, that no State can, by any act or law of its own, passed since the adoption of the Constitution, introduce a new member into the political community created by the Constitution of the United States. It cannot make him a member of this community by making him a member of its own. And for the same reason it cannot introduce any person, or description of persons, who were not intended to be embraced in this new political family, which the Constitution brought into existence, but were intended to be excluded from it.

      Taney argues that since no citizenship law for Black people existed at the time, they can’t be citizens now. I disagree, because laws should be able to evolve as society changes.

    5. The only two provisions which point to them and include them, treat them as property, and make it the duty of the Government to protect it; no other power, in relation to this race, is to be found in the Constitution; and as it is a Government of special, delegated, powers, no authority beyond these two provisions can be constitutionally exercised.

      Taney claims that the Constitution’s original language only treated Black people as property, not as citizens. I disagree, because denying personhood is morally and legally indefensible.

    6. They show that a perpetual and impassable barrier was intended to be erected between the white race and the one which they had reduced to slavery,

      Taney uses colonial laws and practices to argue that the framers always intended a strict separation and exclusion of Black people. I disagree, because using old discriminatory laws to justify present injustice is wrong.

    7. No one, we presume, supposes that any change in public opinion or feeling, in relation to this unfortunate race, in the civilized nations of Europe or in this country, should induce the court to give to the words of the Constitution a more liberal construction in their favor than they were intended to bear when the instrument was framed and adopted

      Taney rejects the idea that changing public opinion should affect constitutional interpretation, preferring original intent. I disagree, because public opinion reflects current values and justice.

    8. They had for more than a century before been regarded as beings of an inferior order, and altogether unfit to associate with the white race, either in social or political relations; and so far inferior, that they had no rights which the white man was bound to respect

      Taney is referencing the historical view held by the framers to justify denying rights to Black people. I strongly disagree, because this argument relies on racist beliefs and ignores progress in social justice.

    9. The words 'people of the United States' and 'citizens' are synonymous terms, and mean the same thing. They both describe the political body who, according to our republican institutions, form the sovereignty, and who hold the power and conduct the Government through their representatives. They are what we familiarly call the 'sovereign people,' and every citizen is one of this people, and a constituent member of this sovereignty. The question before us is, whether the class of persons described in the plea in abatement compose a portion of this people, and are constituent members of this sovereignty? We think they are not, and that they are not included, and were not intended to be included, under the word 'citizens' in the Constitution, and can therefore claim none of the rights and privileges which that instrument provides for and secures to citizens of the United States. On the contrary, they were at that time considered as a subordinate and inferior class of beings, who had been subjugated by the dominant race, and, whether emancipated or not, yet remained subject to their authority, and had no rights or privileges but such as those who held the power and the Government might choose to grant them.

      Taney is arguing that when the Constitution was written, the framers only considered certain groups as “the people” or “citizens,” and excluded Black Americans. I disagree, because definitions of citizenship have changed over time and should not remain stuck in the past.