12 Matching Annotations
  1. Mar 2017
    1. Rulers are appointed for this very end–to be ministers of God for good. The people have a right to expect this from them, and to require it, not as an act of grace, but as their unquestionable due.

      This appeal to divine authority is different than many of the appeals we've read earlier. Instead of rulers having the divine right to do what they feel is necessary for the people, Cooke argues that this divine authority means that rulers must respect the people under their charge and that those people have the divine right to demand such respect. This stands in contrast to earlier arguments for a king's divine right to rule, and gives a religious argument for the colonists' resistance against Parliament.

    2. Various branches of power, concentring in the community from which they originally derive their authority, are a mutual check to each other in their several departments, and jointly secure the common interest. This may indeed, in some instances, retard the operations of government, but will add dignity to its deliberate counsels and weight to its dictates.

      This idea of multiple branches of government isn't necessarily new, but the fact that Cooke specifically says that multiple branches "are a mutual check to each other in their several departments," is extremely noteworthy, as this idea of checks and balances is later implemented in the American Constitution. Who is Samuel Cooke to suggest this idea of governance?

    1. It must be acknowledged, in∣deed, that an Act of Parliament was made in the 6th of K. George I. chap. 5. wherein it is laid down, that the King and Parliament of Great-Britain may make Laws to bind Ireland. But, as it does not appear that the Parliament of Ireland ever acknowledged or gave any formal Assent to the said Act, the same must necessarily be considered as a mere assertion on one part, at the making of which, the persons most materially concerned on the other part were neither HEARD, nor represented! a defect the most notorious that can possibly be attri∣buted to any proceeding, either in the enacting or execution of Laws! and there∣fore it is to very little purpose to cite the said Act as a Precedent for taxing the American Subjects without their Consent; for the privileges which the Parliament of Ireland has maintained and enjoyed, both before and since that time, (clearly distinct and separate from the British Parliament,) afford a better and more authentic precedent on the other side of the question, (viz. in behalf of the peo∣ple’s natural Rights,) than the Act itself does against them

      This comparison that Sharp makes between Ireland and the colonies is noteworthy in Parliament's claim that representation isn't needed to make laws on behalf of the colonists. This claim that Ireland did not assent to a similar law of authority over them is important for arguing against Parliament's authority over the colonies as it means that they have no true precedent for those claims, at least according to Sharp. If Parliament doesn't have legal or moral precedent for authority over the colonies, how can they claim that they can make laws without colonial representation?

  2. Feb 2017
    1. Can any words more strongly express the right of the supreme legislature to tax or dispose of the property of the subject for public purposes, than do these last quoted? And those who would draw from any other more loose or general expressions of Mr. Locke, any argument to exempt the property of any subject from taxes imposed by the supreme legislative for the public service, [86] must impute to him such inconsistencies as Mr. Locke was incapable of, and charge him with con- tradictions w^hich ought to destroy his credit, both as an honest man and a clear reasoner.

      This paragraph brings up an interesting detail in that Locke is used by both sides in the colonial debate to strengthen their respective arguments. Here, Knox is attempting to appeal to Locke's works to discredit the arguments of the colonists that use Locke's ideas and philosophies, saying they are contradictory and inconsistent, unlike Locke and by extension, Knox's own arguments.

    2. But it seems parhament has a right to benefit the colonies, but not to bind them: it may give them bounties, but it must not impose burdens. Its power over the colonies is somewhat Hke that allowed by the deists to the Almighty over his creatures, he may reward them with eternal happiness if he pleases, but he must not punish them on any account. . . .

      This passage is meant to trivialize and mock the arguments of the colonists in their opposition to taxes and tariffs imposed on them by Great Britain, attempting to show the contradictory wishes of the colonists in how they would like to be governed. This passage also shows Knox's attitude toward the colonists that is present throughout this reading, one of contempt and mockery.

    3. Whatever grievances they may have to complain of, they must seek redress from the grace of the crown alone; for, should they petition parliament to do them right, they them- selves have authorized the crown to tell parliament, as the secretary of state to James the First did the house of commons, [8] “America is not annexed to the realm, nor within the juris- diction of parhament, you have therefore no right to interfere.”

      This statement that the colonists had to take their grievances directly to the king is telling in how Knox views the concerns of the colonists, almost dismissing the colonists as British citizens. It should also be noted here that Knox does not believe that the colonists' concerns should even be addressed by Parliament at all.

    1. Man has certainly an exalted soul; and the same principle in human nature, — that aspiring, noble principle founded in benevolence, and cherished by knowledge; I mean the love of power, which has been so often the cause of slavery, — has, whenever freedom has existed, been the cause of freedom. If it is this principle that has always prompted the princes and nobles of the earth, by every species of fraud and violence to shake off all the limitations of their power, it is the same that has always stimulated the common people to aspire at independency, and to endeavor at confining the power of the great within the limits of equity and reason.

      It's interesting that Adams links the desire of nobles and princes to aspire for unlimited power to that of the common people's desire for independence. This shared basis on power being the driving force for nobles and commoners alike perhaps help to justify the outrage and the efforts of the colonists to resist the Stamp Act and later enforcement of British power in the minds of colonial leaders at the time.

    1. All countries have a law of nations, not excepting the Iroquois themselves, though they devour their prisoners; for they send and receive ambassadors, and understand the rights of war and peace. The mischief is, that their law of nations is not founded on true principles.

      It is very interesting to see that Montesquieu specifically refer to the Iroquois here when saying that "all countries have a law of nations," especially since he seems to look down upon the Iroquois immediately after including them as part of all countries. This prejudice had been prevalent throughout the colonization period, and still continued on through to the beginnings of the American Revolution, so it is worth noting here.

  3. Jan 2017
    1. It is plain then, by the practice of governments themselves, as well as by the law of right reason, that a child is born a subject of no country or government.

      This is an important argument that Locke is making here, that not only every person is born free from government and allegiance, but that in practice by governments and on paper in the laws of reason, this is to be true. This point can still be applied to the modern day, albeit in different ways through citizenship processes and how one can apply to be a citizen of (almost) any country after having lived in a specific country for enough time.

    2. Conformable hereunto we find the people of America, who (living out of the reach of the conquering swords, and spreading domination of the two great empires of Peru and Mexico) enjoyed their own natural freedom, though, caeteris paribus, they commonly prefer the heir of their deceased king; yet if they find him any way weak, or uncapable, they pass him by, and set up the stoutest and bravest man for their ruler.

      This section right here is notable because which people Locke is pointing to to prove his point about governments and who forms those governments: the native peoples of the Americas. It's fascinating that Locke thought the Native Americans important enough to use as an example in this political treatise. It reminds me of the Iroquois Confederacy and how the early US government structure was based upon the structure of the Confederacy.

    1. It is not just nor possible for any nation so to enslave itself and to resign its own interest to the will of one lord, as that that lord may destroy it without injury, and yet to have no right to preserve itself.

      This statement brings to light the fact that many governments and many people of power justify their actions by saying it's for the people. Despite how disingenuous this often sounds, Parker here states that the people must be satisfied and that the people will rightly rise up against any lord that tries to act in opposition to their governed people.

    1. For the Lawes of Nature (as Justice, Equity, Modesty, Mercy, and (in summe) Doing To Others, As Wee Would Be Done To,) if themselves, without the terrour of some Power, to cause them to be observed, are contrary to our naturall Passions, that carry us to Partiality, Pride, Revenge, and the like.

      Here we can see one of Hobbes' central ideas that the Laws of Nature as he defines not only wouldn't followed by humankind without some outside force, but that they are wholly contrarian to our "naturall Passions" that lead into selfishness and vices. This is what supports his later argument that force and power are necessary for people to practice the qualities of human nature we celebrate today like justice and kindness.