11 Matching Annotations
  1. Oct 2025
    1. While noise-as-nuisance is the channel to discipline based on notions of ci-vility and public order, noise-as-decibel is part of a “set ofmechanisms through which the basic biological features of thehuman species became the object of a political strategy” (Fou-cault 2007:16).

      This is the key takeaway for understanding "sound-politics." The author explains that the state tries to control noise in two conflicting ways: one is based on the subjective idea of "nuisance" (annoying behavior), and the other is based on the objective, scientific measurement of "decibels" (physical harm). This conflict makes noise incredibly difficult for the government to manage.

    2. With very few residents willing to go to the police station to filea report, complaints become institutional noise rather thancommunity silence.

      The author makes a clever point here. There are so many noise complaints, but they rarely become official police reports. As a result, the endless calls just become "institutional noise" that clogs up the police system instead of actually making the community quieter.

    3. hile this extensive assemblageof actors, spread across documents and offices, is deployedto stabilize the fine and solve her problem, Ms. Freire mightcome to the conclusion that the PSIU is either corrupt or in-efficient—perhaps both!

      This story about Ms. Freire's complaint shows just how slow and frustrating the government process is. Even though the system is technically working, it's so slow that the person who made the complaint feels like the government is failing her. This highlights the massive gap between rules on paper and real-world results.

    4. theheterogeneity of “noise” as an umbrella concept, the complexity of its scientific mensuration, and the unsteadiness of itslegal encoding make this a particularly difficult object for the state to grasp.

      This is the core argument of the whole article. The author claims the government struggles to handle noise because "noise" itself is a vague concept, it's hard to measure scientifically, and the laws for it are shaky. This sets the stage for everything else.

    5. I present law enforcement assemblages asboth unstable and heterogeneous, managed by people withdifferent (and often diverging) expectations regarding how thecity should sound.

      The author doesn't see law enforcement as a single, unified body. Instead, he describes it as an "unstable and heterogeneous" network of people who often disagree on how the city should sound. This means the police and the anti-noise agency have different goals and ideas

    Annotators

    1. ue to resource constraints andweak governance structures, many small- and medium-sizedAfrican cities find it difficult to create and enforce environmentallaws in areas with strong religious and cultural beliefs

      The paper concludes that the problem isn't just the noise itself, but a failure of governance and lack of resources to enforce laws. This suggests that technical solutions alone won't work without addressing the underlying political and economic issues.

    2. nearly three-quarters (72.3%) of Osogbo residents frequently experience lossof sleep (insomnia) during the night due to high levels ofnocturnal noise pollution from sources, such as nightclubs,generating sets, parties, traffic, and noise from religiousactivities.

      This is a shocking statistic. It directly links high nighttime noise levels to a major health problem (insomnia) for a huge majority of residents. This clearly shows the convergence between the measured high noise levels and the perceived negative health impacts. This would be a great quote for Project 2 or 3.

    3. hat themean daylight sound levels of industrial land use (72.85 dB),residential land use (55.42 dB), commercial land use (76.61 dB),and transportation use (80.67 dB) are higher than the WHOmaximum standards sound levels of 50, 60, and 55 dB for variousland uses. Similarly, the nocturnal sound levels for the three landuses were 48, 72, and 61.7 dB for residential, commercial, andmixed land uses, respectively. These figures also exceeded theWHO standards of 35, 50, and 45 dB for residential, commercial,and mixed land uses, respectively.

      Even in residential areas, the average daytime noise level (55.42 dB) is higher than the WHO's recommended maximum (50 dB). This is a specific piece of evidence showing the problem isn't just in commercial or transport areas; it's affecting people where they live.

    4. The data for this study were obtained through a field survey,questionnaire administration, and group discussion/interview.

      The authors used a mix of quantitative like sound-level meter in the field survey and qualitative like questionnaires, interviews methods. This is called a mixed-methods approach and makes their findings more robust because it combines objective data with subjective human experience.

    5. hese effects are divided into four categories:physical effects (e.g., hearing defects), physiological effects(e.g., increased blood pressure, irregular heart rhythms, andpeptic ulcers), psychological effects (e.g., disorders, sleeplessnessand late sleeping, irritability, and stress), and effects on workperformance (e.g., decreased productivity and misinterpretationof what is heard (Oyedepo 2013).

      Noise isn't just annoying; it has four distinct categories of negative health impacts. This is a great, concise list of the specific health risks I can reference later. The physiological effects like increased blood pressure are especially surprising.

    6. dies relating actual noise levels to perceived noise pollution in the context of rapidly urbanizingmedium-sized cities of the Global South are scarce. Th

      This sentence identifies the main research gap the study is trying to fill. It's not just about noise, but about comparing measured noise with what people feel in medium-sized cities in the Global South. This is the core purpose of the article.