15 Matching Annotations
  1. May 2025
    1. Corinne Rello-Anselmi, the deputy chief academic officer who oversees special education in the city,said the department has hired more providers in recent years so fewer students will need vouchers,and she emphasized that the numbers are already relatively small; the department issued about 9,300vouchers in the last school year. More broadly, a city spokesman said that the education departmenthad increased spending on special education by more than $1.1 billion over the past five years. Still,Ms. Rello-Anselmi acknowledged the challenges students in the city still face.The system, she said, is trying to align itself so that regardless of where a child goes to school, “oncethey’ve been identified as having a special need, that we’re able to work with that familycontinuously,” she said. “That is something that we have made a priority.”Speaking of T.J.’s case, she added, “We don’t want this experience to be what is currently happeningtoday.

      This article includes efforts on the part of New York City's Department of Education to upgrade its special education services, though it also mentions ongoing delays. Corinne Rello-Anselmi reports the city has recruited more special education providers and invested over $1.1 billion in the past five years to improve services and render private service vouchers less essential. Despite these advances, awareness of persisting problems suggests inconsistency between policy ambition and operational outcomes. T.J.'s tale is one example of the system's failures, pointing to the necessity for follow-through, continuous services for students after they have been identified as needing special services.

    2. s part of a process called Turning Five, education officials examine students who have known delays,as well as those who may have disabilities, to decide what services they need and what kind ofclassroom they should be placed in — should they be among general education students? Or in asmaller setting devoted to children with special needs?T.J.’s Turning Five evaluation said he needed speech therapy, though Kerrin said she was never told.When T.J. started kindergarten, in a general education classroom at Public School 233, the LangstonHughes School, in East Flatbush, Brooklyn, he received no services for his speech, she said.

      This is a fundamental flaw in New York City's Turning Five evaluation process. The program seeks to assess the needs of young children for special education services before kindergarten starts, yet communication breakdowns can delay students from receiving help they are entitled to. In T.J.'s case, while his evaluation indicated a need for speech therapy, the information was not communicated well to his parent, and no services were provided once he entered kindergarten. This example shows how bureaucratic loopholes can greatly disadvantage children at a time of critical development, undermining the intent of early intervention programs. It emphasizes the need for greater open communication between education officials, schools, and families.

    1. The inequalities resulting from the disproportionate placement of students of color in specialeducation are unfortunate because IDEA was designed to increase the rights of students withdisabilities. The history of special education before and after the passage of IDEA reveals that thispolicy was meant to encourage equity. Before the enactment of IDEA, a few states passed lawsdesigned to protect the rights of students with special needs. However, after IDEA was enacted,all students were provided with this protection, and the mandate required six major principles tobe followed to ensure that all children with special needs would receive specialized services. Theseprinciples involved a zero reject model, an individualized education program, nondiscriminatoryevaluation, education in the least restrictive environment, procedural due process for parents andschools, and parental and student participation (if appropriate) in all aspects of the specialeducation process (Artiles et al., 2010).

      This paragraph explains the initial purpose of the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (IDEA), noting that it was passed to promote educational equity and protect the rights of disabled students. It defines six fundamental principles intended to ensure fair access to education: zero rejection (there can be no child excluded from services), IEPs, nondiscriminatory evaluation, placement in the least restrictive environment provided, procedural safeguards for schools and parents, and parent and student participation in decision making. Despite these protections, disproportionately assigning students of color to special education indicates a disconnect between what the law aims to do and what it ends up doing, according to the recommendation that systemic inequities continue to persist.

    2. On the other hand, failing toprovide special services to students who need them prevents pupils who have historically beenunderserved from gaining access to the programs that will help them succeed academically(Morgan & Farkas, 2018).Although placing students in special education has been found to benefit students with milddisabilities, it is frequently viewed as ineffective for many pupils, contributing to consequencesthat outweigh the advantages of receiving additional services (Dever, Raines, Dowdy, & Hostutler,

      This passage emphasizes tension and conflict with special education placement. On the one hand, withholding of special services to those students who really need them deprives these students of important academic assistance and maintains cycles of educational inequity for historically disadvantaged populations (Morgan & Farkas, 2018). On the other hand, research shows that while special education can be beneficial to students with mild disabilities, it will be ineffective to most students and can have unexpected undesirable consequences that will outweigh the positive consequences (Dever, Raines, Dowdy, & Hostutler). This suggests the necessity of careful judgment and more advanced, differential action in order to guarantee that special education placements are in students' best interest and not part of systemic marginalization.

    1. As opposed to an "equality-as-uniformity" position, a top-down orientation, "equality-as-equal-opportunity," a bottom-up perspective, means individuals and groups maintain their right to be considered of equal worth, even if they are different. Further, the principle of self-determination, of human agency is important here as well if people are to be the subjects of their lives rather than objects. If the perspectives of children with disabilities were important, for instance, schools would be compelled to introduce and support values that are often invisible or carry little weight.

      The author sets two distinct concepts of equality in education into opposition. "Equality-as-uniformity" places all students in the same mold from the top-down, going over differences between them. While "equality-as-equal-opportunity" starts from the bottom-up, it still values differences but claims equal value for each and every individual. The author emphasizes that valuing autonomy and agency is key—students, including disability students, need to be treated as active subjects rather than passive objects in learning. Assigning value to the experiences and voices of disabled children would require schools to recognize and facilitate values too often overlooked, creating an inclusive and empowering learning environment.

    2. I believe U.S. educators need to discuss in great depth the "dilemma of difference" (Minow, 1990). In this all-too-common scenario, if Lydia is different from others, she is the problem and the solution must focus on her. Instead, rather than the identified trait signifying and hence isolating her, I am arguing we must see the problem as being in large part socially constructed.

      The writer refers to Minow's (1990) concept of the "dilemma of difference" to emphasize U.S. educators' propensity to misinterpret disability or difference as a flaw in the individual student. In Lydia's case, her differences are addressed as individualized shortcomings rather than reflections of broader social structures. The author promotes a shift in orientation: instead of segregating students based on their attributes, teachers need to recognize that "problems" like exclusion are socially constructed by schools' organization and attitudes' formation. It is a more inclusive approach to education, demanding system-level changes instead of merely individual-level changes.

    3. In fact, some have suggested that the creation of the institutional framework of special education has served "...to provide an education for 'normal' students unimpeded by students who are troublesome, in the widest possible sense" (Tomlinson, 1995, p. 127; see also, Biklen, 1992; Davis, 1995; Rhodes, 1995; Riddell, 1996). Lydia and I have felt the pain of those labels, of that kind of separation. While her rights to education have been upheld, perhaps

      The writer is critical of the institutional format of special education and argues that it has had a tendency to operate to exclude and isolate students designated as "problematic" from the mainstream educational setting in order to enable the education of "normal" students. Citing researchers like Tomlinson, Biklen, Davis, Rhodes, and Riddell, the writer highlights that special education, introduced as support, can be used as an exclusion device. Based on her own experience with her daughter Lydia, the author concedes that while Lydia's right to education has been technically maintained, the price paid in emotional and social suffering from being labeled and isolated has been deeply damaging. This observation sets urgent problematics in motion regarding educational systems' ideas of identifying and responding to disability.

    4. As I have written elsewhere (e.g., O'Brien, 1999; 2001), the school and I often disagree about what is "best" for Lydia, and it is impossible for me to take off my early childhood teacher educator hat when addressing her education. Lydia must come with me, and this year she has even participated toward the end of each meeting which is interesting and necessary as she ages, but also stressful because of her difficulties in understanding the nature of her disability, and, I believe, the power she rightly perceives the school people having. It's painful for me to watch her struggle to be brave and "grown up" as the school professionals talk about her "needs" and their plans for her education.

      The author reflects on the battle to be a parent and an early childhood professional in the battle to protect her daughter, Lydia, who has a disability. Despite being highly qualified, the author finds herself constantly at odds with the school's ideology of what is "best" for Lydia. She sees the emotional difficulty of involving Lydia in meetings about her educational plans, as Lydia is maturing enough to have a voice but struggles with understanding her disability and experiencing the power that school officials wield over her life. This passage shows the emotional complexity parents face as they navigate education systems that wield institutional power over their children's lives.

    1. According to the 7thEdition of Ormrod and McDevitt’s Child Development and Education textbook, late adolescencemarks the stage of forming an identity, or how “older adolescents (ages 14-18) make progresstoward establishing a self-constructed definition of who they are, what they find important, whatthey believe, and what they plan to become '' (Ormrod and McDevitt, 2020). Identitydevelopment is crucial in the life of a teenager. And it is because of these identities that genderintersectionalities matter the most. If schools continue to silence talks about LGBTQ+individuals, many of its students who just started forming their own gender identities won’t beable to figure that out. Gleaning on his own personal experiences at his local charter school, Ngorecalls how students would attempt to form progressive alliances that not only recognizesLGBTQ+ people, but also provides a safe space where queer students can thrive,

      This section highlights the central position of identity formation in late adolescence, particularly for LGBTQ+ youth. As Ormrod and McDevitt argue, teens between 14 and 18 years old are literally building their sense of self, including their goals, values, and beliefs. The text holds that school silencing about LGBTQ individuals distracts students from being able to fully investigate and build their gender and sexual identities during this formative period. Ngo's reflection on efforts in his charter school to build coalitions for LGBTQ+ students underscores the need for intentional support systems. In the absence of recognition and safety, queer students risk being erased or isolated at a time when affirmation is crucial to healthy development.

    1. ncreasingly, LGBTQ fam-ilies are involved in their children's education or interested in advocatingfor LGBTQ youth and do not always find schools supportive of their con-cerns. Given that same-sex marriage is now legal, schools need to be moreresponsive to this historic time for the growth-and public representation-of families who are either LGBTQ headed or actively involved in ensuringthat schools respectfully educate their LGBTQ children. Difficulties remainfor parents who may not he easily recognized as parents, whether they aresame-sex or appear to be racially or ethnically different from their children.As one gay male parent explains, "I still carry the adoption paper with mein my wallet just in case I'm ever stopped" (Wells, 2011, p. 167), knowingfull well that single men with children, especially gay men, are still cultur-ally suspect

      This reading stresses that while LGBTQ families have gained more legal rights, including marriage equality, schools have been slow to catch up with these social changes. LGBTQ parents still do not feel completely supported or recognized by schools and are suspected or put under greater scrutiny if the family is non-traditional. That a gay father feels compelled to carry adoption documents with him is a striking example of how far distrust and prejudice still exist. Schools must do more to recognize and affirm all types of families and ensure LGBTQ families are accorded respect and dignity.

    2. Butjust over one-third of students reported that staff were present when studentsheard biased comments and staff did challenge those remarks. Students whoattended schools that intervened in anti-LGBTQ harassment and who alsohad supportive faculty reported better attendance rates and school success.Teachers in the Anoka-Hennepin district themselves recognized the problemwith the policy of neutrality imposed there, not only because of its intent tokeep them neutral but also because the extent of their necessary neutralitywas unclear. This lack of clarity, some argued, meant that many teacherswere overcautious in taking any action against homophobic bullying, won-dering, "Could I get fired for that?" (Wooledge, 2012). Anoka High Schoolteacher Mary Jo Merrick-Lockett explained, "If you can't talk about it inany context, which is how teachers interpret district policies, kids internal-ize that to mean that being gay must be so shameful and wrong .... Andthat has created a climate of fear and repression and harassment" (quoted inErdely, 2012)

      This reading illustrates how the failure to issue clear guidance on LGBTQ issues in schools can have real consequences for student safety and success. When school policy drives teachers into "neutrality," it often means doing nothing, even if harassment is taking place in front of them. Teachers may fear being fired if they intervene, so anti-LGBTQ bullying goes unchallenged. As a result, students are taught negative things about their identities. The article highlights the significance of schools not only allowing, but encouraging, teachers to resist discrimination and create inclusive spaces for all students.

    3. While most LGBTQ youth flourish and learn to counter the homopho-bic challenges they face, and while it is important not only to focus onthe challenges but also to stress the strength and resiliency of all minorityyouth, it is also crucial to understand that the costs of homophobia and biasagainst gender nonconforming students, especially those contending withracism or other intersecting differences, can be very high. In February 2008,15-year-old Lawrence King, who was beginning to find recognition asLeticia with some peers, was murdered by a younger White student whohad been part of a group bullying him for most of the school year. King en-dured daily taunting.

      This article highlights an important dual reality: despite many LGBTQ youth modeling resilience and strength in the face of discrimination, the consequences of unchecked homophobia and prejudice are catastrophic. Lawrence King's case is one tragic example where bullying and intolerance, especially when combined with other facets like racism, can evolve into deadly violence. It reminds us that schools have an obligation to go beyond merely acknowledging resilience and work actively to construct cultures that eschew discrimination, appreciate all forms of diversity, and protect vulnerable students. The cost of inaction is too high to be incurred.

    1. TransgenJerstudents also may be concerned that they will be misrecognized as the gen-der they were known as formerly or that they will be misrecognizeJ as trans-gender when they instead want to be known by their chosen genJer. Forsome young people, a normative binary gender does not adequately expresstheir gender complexity, but for others, being recognized only as the gen-der they are is crucial. Schools need to take the occasion of learning aboutgender diversity to understand that the impact of thoughtful change goesbeyond particular situations.Gender complexity is as difficult to negotiate for researchers as it maybe for school professionals-students are increasingly innovative in the newformations of gender and self-identifications they use. As Greytak et al.(2013) found, such complications meant removing students from theirstudy's results because students' identification on forms confounded the re-searchers' expectations for categories.

      This writing highlights the intricacy of gender identity for transgender students and the conflict that arises when fixed categories are imposed. The writing makes it clear that some students want to be known simply as their affirmed gender, while others will avoid binary labels altogether. Schools must manage gender diversity in a thoughtful way, with an understanding that change that works well should be inclusive of a wide range of gender experiences. The text also emphasizes that even researchers find gender identity fluidity difficult, showing that existing classification systems often are not able to capture students' real identities. This emphasizes the need for schools to be responsive and flexible, not prescriptive, in addressing gender issues.

    2. particular relationship to one another? How are sexual identities also de-fined by intense relationships, desires that may not be acted upon? Howare attractions defined through ideas about gender, race, and class? In otherwords, as we think about making schools safer for sexual minorities, howdo we even begin to address important issues, for instance, whether racialharassment is part of homophobia?

      This reaffirms that sexuality and gender are far more slippery and complex than categories can imply. It reinforces that even when schools try to place "normal" expectations upon them, people's experiences of identity cannot be constrained within firm boxes. By inquiring how sexuality intersects with race, class, and gender, the book highlights that safe schools for LGBTQ students require responding to broader systems of oppression rather than discrete cases of bullying and discrimination. It challenges us to examine more thoroughly how all students, regardless of identity, do well when schools push back on narrow definitions of what is "normal."

    3. For instance, a 14-year-old Florida student, who preferred not to share hissexual identity, was punished for wearing makeup to school (Sieczkowski,2013 ). The principal claimed the student was in violation of the dress code,but the dress code had no reference to makeup (Sieczkowski, 2013). Othersimilar situations, including a young woman wearing a suit (Esseks, 2010),a transgender student wanting to wear a dress (American Civil LibertiesUnion [ACLU], 2013), or simply cisgendered heterosexual students dressingin nonconforming ways,

      This passage refers to how school dress codes are enforced unfairly to reinforce traditional gender expectations even though the written policies themselves might not necessarily ban expressions such as the use of cosmetics or gender-nonconformist clothing. The examples show that students, both LGBTQ+ and non-LGBTQ+, will be disciplined for simply appearing in a way that subverts stereotypical masculine and feminine expectations. It represents a more fundamental problem in which student individuality is policed on the guise of "dress code infractions" in a strict enforcement of gender roles and hostility to student diversity of identity.