This chapter explores the ways in which school structure serves to repro<luce inequality. It begLns with Beth C. Rubin, Jean Yonemura Wing, and Pedro A. Noguera examining tracking "Berkeley High style," probing the means through which racial and class-based inequalities are perpetuated through course placement.

Chanrelle's experience illustrates why students who lack eco-nomic, social, and cultural capital ace more vulnerable to the i_inpersonal and ineffective structures at the school. Without an adult to encourage her to cake algebra, the gateway to college preparatory math and science courses, or to advise her on where she might seek academic support, Chantelle made a decision that is likely to affect her preparation for college and therefore will have bearing in the long term on her opportunities after high school. By taking prealgebra in the ninth grade, Chantelle is all hut ensured that she will be unable to meet the admissions requirements to the UC or California State University (CSU) systems. Given that so much is at stake, it must be recognized that a system of course assignment that allows students to choose which classes to take will invariably work better for some than others.

Social scientists have identified significant resources, or forms of capital, th::tr play a role in influencing student academic out-comes. Research has shown that economic capital, that is, the w~alch and income of parents, is one of the primary factors influ-ep.cing student achieveme11t (Coleman and others, 1966; Roth-stein, 2004; Farkas, 2004 ). Student achievement is also influenced _l,y more subtle resources sud; as social capital-the benefits derived from c<;mnections to networks and individuals with power and influence (Coleman, 1988; Stanton-Salazar, 1997, 2001; Noguera, 2003 )-and cultural capital (Bourdieu and Wacquant, 1992)-the t~sces, styles, habits, language, behaviors, appearance, and customs c.hat serve as indicators of status anJ privilege.