In a study comparing Arabs, Israelisand South Americans regarding responses to the others’ pain and emotional suffering, authorsfound that, behaviorally, participants reported less empathy towards the respective group theywere in conflict with. Contrary to that, functional imaging results indicated less activation

A study using both Caucasian- and African-American facial stimuli demonstrated that patients with schizophrenia were more likely torecognize same-race than other-race faces

In Japan, forinstance, individuals are encouraged to attribute failure to themselves and success to the group

Based on the DSM IV criteria, it has beenshown that similar psychiatric diagnoses have been made across cultures (Australia, India,

o, universality of facial emotionalexpression recognition (Brandt & Boucher, 1985) as well as the ability to identify particularemotions

Although this mayreflect some bias in who opts to train in another country, interms of both who is available in the location to be studiedand who is doing the studying (e.g., are participants andscientists studying abroad representative of their home cul-ture?), this is merely suggested as a starting point as globalcollaborations develop

In other words,both fields seek to understand what processes differ acrossthe conditions or groups, resulting in differences in perfor-mance.

urthermore, they acknowledge thepotential for biases in language to alter memory in distinctways, a perspective in line with memory research (Carmi-chael et al., 1932) in which providing a verbal label distortsmemory for an ambiguous drawing (e.g., a line connectingtwo circles can be distorted to resemble a “barbell” or “eye-glasses,” based on which verbal label was provided).

Cul-tural differences in the time course of the first process mayaccount for delays in the second, potentially explaining whyEast Asians have later first memories than European Ameri-cans

In con-trast to increases over time in social and developmental jour-nals, the number of studies that highlight or even report onrace has consistently stayed near zero in cognitive journals

Cultural affinities also may be basedon other unifying constructs such as language, cuisine, andspecific customs that are often subsumed under geographi-cal, national, or demographic groupings

Compared to the US-Americans,Ngöbe participants focus more on interconnectedness thanindividualization, and acknowledge social agency in non-humanspecies to a greater extent. As a consequence, they are alsomore likely to consider non-human species as being capableof intentional communication and morality, and to interpret agiven ecological relationship as based on cooperation rather thancompetition

A number line appears to belacking entirely in participants who have not received any formalschool education (Núñez, 2011; Núñez et al., 2012), suggestingthat this line is more likely a product of the cultural habit ofmeasuring with rulers than the result of a preexisting neuralstructure.

US-Americanparticipants most strongly overestimated the difference betweenthe lines, while this discrepancy was almost absent among hunter-gatherers in southern Africa (Segall et al., 1963, 1966; for otherexamples see also Ahluwalia, 1978; Sekiyama, 1997). Notably, thiscase of cultural differences in an ostensibly hard-wired illusion—although already reported in a high impact journal in the 1960s—only reached prominence after being showcased by Henrich et al.(2010). According to the most frequently cited explanation, theoccurrence and extent of this illusion depends on the prevalenceof rectangular shapes in people’s environment, and hence on theinput to which the perceptual system is continuously trained andcalibrated