43 Matching Annotations
  1. May 2025
    1. The story I tell is both of ours, but for now I am the one telling it. In the near future, as Lydia's awareness and ability to tell her life grows, I want her voice to be heard more clearly. Rather than me speaking and writing about her, I hope we will speak and write together. What we can learn about difference by attending to both the child with disabilities and her mother should move us away from the notion that the child is necessarily an "other" to the mother...or vice versa. We need to hear both voices; they need to hear each other; and each must be believed if "difference" is to make a difference

      I really like the part about "both voices must be heard" in this paragraph. Many times we are used to "speaking for others", especially in the position of caregivers or educators, as if we know what is best for them. But this paragraph made me realize that true understanding is not to speak for her, but to speak with her. Lydia's growth is not just the growth of a child, but also a process in which a voice is gradually heard by the world. I think the author's respect is particularly touching, and it reminds us to listen - especially those voices that are not easy to be heard.

    2. As I was preparing to present the first iteration of this paper, I worried I might be attributing inaccurate feelings to her so I asked her how she felt about being labeled as a child with special needs. She fired back with no hesitation, "I hate it!"

      I think this paragraph is really true and powerful. We often think that "identity" is a label that others put on us, but in fact, we ourselves are constantly participating in, responding to, and even internalizing these labels to some extent. Lydia's sentence "I hate it!" really made me feel the conflict - she was given a label that "helped" her, but her feelings were not really understood. It is too easy for us to use words like "special needs" as neutral words, but ignore the oppression that may be brought to the person involved. I like the author's reminder that identity is complex and dynamic, not a fixed definition.

    3. Although obviously personal and idiosyncratic, I hope her/our experiences will resonate with others attempting to deal with similar positions — both those who share similar identity positions as well as educators who are working with those in her position

      This part really stuck with me—the way the writer talks about "troubling" identity is so powerful. It made me think about how quick we are to label people and then treat that label like their whole story. I’ve definitely seen how that can be damaging, especially in schools where students get boxed in by assumptions. I really appreciate how the author not only acknowledges the pain that identity can carry, but also pushes back against the idea that people can be fully defined by it. There's always more to someone than the label they're given. This gave me a lot to reflect on.

    1. Even though we live in a time whengender norms continue to stretch, especially for women, schools are stillinstitutions where gender sorting occurs, whether it is in the classroom or incommunity settings that debate policy and curricula. Sex education contin-ues to be a relatively conservative part of schools, leading with abstinencc-until-marriage messages that not only exclude most LGBTQ students,but also leave girls at disproportionate risk for unwanted pregnancy (notbecause-obviously-only girls can get pregnant, but because so few youngmen are held responsible for the children that result)

      This passage points out an often overlooked problem: gender bias actually affects men, especially boys who grow up in a culture that emphasizes "masculinity". I have also seen the phenomenon of "boys who don't bully others will be called weak" in school before. Especially in small circles of boys, many people become aggressive because they are afraid of being called "sissy". The article also criticized the problem that sex education only emphasizes "girls should protect themselves" and ignores the responsibility of men. This is really true. Why do girls bear almost all the consequences of pregnancy, while boys are often taught to "just be a man"? This is actually unfair to all genders. Sex education is not just a contraceptive class, but should be an education about responsibility, equality and respect.

    2. While Thorne (1993) argues that young people's play opens the pos-sibilities of ambiguities in meanings of gender and sexuality, giving spacefor young girls to be athletic or boys to sit at the "girls"' table or play inthe "girls'" area of the playground, she also shows that such occasions ofplayful attempts to cross the gender divide can be met with hostility and thatteasing can cross over the line of play and into harassment.

      This paragraph reminded me that gender norms are often instilled from "playing". When I was a child, the teacher often said "boys in one group, girls in another group" when grouping for games. I didn't think there was a problem at the time, but now looking back, that arrangement itself is reinforcing gender differences. The article mentioned that if teachers can lead students to observe the "implicit rules" in gender interactions, they can actually help them see who is often excluded. For example, once a boy in our class who was very good at dancing wanted to participate in the girls' talent rehearsal, he was laughed at by everyone and called him a "sissy". It was originally a happy thing, but it turned into hurt. The boundaries of gender games are sometimes sharper than we think.

    3. In other words, gender and sexuality are categories by whichlife in schools and elsewhere is organized, and understanding those normsframes everyone's experience even if they are involved in critiquing thosenorms. Gender nonconformity and sexual minority status may be linked byschool peers inaccurately, exacerbating the harassment transgender youthface (D' Augelli et al., 2006). Moreover, LGBTQ students themselves mayexpress their identities through both gender and sexuality, so even tryingto define what each term means may not fully explain how deeply they arelinked

      This passage is actually quite heartbreaking. I remember when I was in school, there was a boy with a thin voice and soft movements, and he was always called "feminine". People couldn't really tell why, but they just thought it was "abnormal". This passage is breaking down how this "normal" is defined - it turns out that we have been unconsciously controlled by these "binary gender" and "heterosexuality is the right" concepts. For example, when I was a child, I didn't dare to wear too colorful clothes, for fear of being laughed at for "not looking like a boy". But these norms are actually a kind of pressure, forcing people to conform to social expectations instead of being their true selves.

    4. Examiningsexuality as racialized and gendered, in turn, will illuminate differences inexperiences of sexual minority students across diverse identities and providea fuller understanding of how race structures sexuality. This chapter willhelp readers understand the theories of gender, sexuality, and race rha t haveinfluenced writing and research on LGBTQ students as well as helped struc-ture current LGBTQ and ally political projects in schools.

      This passage reminded me of the only out-of-the-closet classmate in my class in high school. Although teachers and most classmates said "we respect diversity" on the surface, they often did not understand his or her real situation. This passage talks about this phenomenon of "surface tolerance but actual prejudice". It emphasizes the intersection of gender and sexual orientation, and makes me realize that many seemingly simple "discriminations" may actually be related to race, gender, and even culture. In the final analysis, if we do not truly understand these differences, it will be difficult for us to build a truly inclusive campus environment.

    1. Another way to observe the gender dimension of the classroom compro-mise is to focus on individual children and record and describe their behavior for an extended period of time. Here is what we found when we watched two children for a forty-five-minute class. Perhaps you will see yourself in their behavior. Maybe you will see your son or daughter.

      This paragraph is a bit like inviting us to be "observers", not just to observe the overall atmosphere of a class, but to pay attention to individual gender behavioral differences. When I was teaching in the past, I found that boys are often more likely to be noticed in class, whether they are good or naughty, while girls are more likely to be ignored because they are usually more "well-behaved". This paragraph made me realize that sometimes our judgments about "who is active" or "who deserves encouragement" are actually mixed with gender bias. The phrase "maybe you will see yourself" is quite immersive, and it also reminds us to look at children's behavior with empathy.

    2. Teachers sense the undertow of raw energy and restlessness that threatens to engulf the classroom. Few successfully redirect all this energy for learning. Most try to contain it with conventions such as "Raise your hand if you want to talk." Yet even a fraction of a second is too long for some students to wait to be heard. Very active and animated students challenge the rule and simply shout out the answer.

      This paragraph reminded me of my elementary school days when I had a classmate who loved to answer questions quickly. He always shouted out the answer before raising his hand in time, and the teacher was sometimes angry but couldn't do anything about it. Now I realize after reading this paragraph that he is actually the kind of "animated" student. He is not unruly, but he is too full of energy. The article says "even a fraction of a second is too long" which is really appropriate - some students are like explosive packs, and a little bit of waiting can make them explode. But in fact, this also shows that the rules of the classroom sometimes cannot adapt to the rhythm of all students, and it is really not easy for teachers to balance these differences.

    3. The stu-dents who may be most in need of the teacher's attention will be least likely to get it. The students who most need to learn the lesson of how to talk in public are least likely to have that opportunity. Students who need a little more time to think-because they are by nature thoughtful, or because English is a new language, or because their cultural background encourages a slower response, or because they are shy-become specta-tors to rapid classroom exchanges. Females lose out, children of color lose out, English language learners are left behind, and shy boys are silenced. The classroom compromise creates an attractive comfort zone that moves the lesson forward at a good clip, but too often leaves many stu-dents behind

      This paragraph is so heartbreaking. Students who always speak are increasingly encouraged, while those who need help the most are often ignored. I have had this experience - when I first came to the United States to study, because of my poor English, I often had to spend more time to organize a paragraph, but the teacher had already started asking the next person. Over time, I became less and less willing to speak. The author points out a key problem: the teaching "comfort zone" may be to smoothly advance the course, but it is this "smoothness" that marginalizes some students who need more attention. This makes me feel that education really should not only serve "efficiency."

    4. If teachers and students can meet each other's needs, a comfortable life for all is the reward. Sizer believed that when one or the other breaks this unspoken contract, trouble is likely to follow.

      This passage really reflects the "tacit understanding" in many classrooms - if students don't cause trouble, the teacher can easily finish the class, and everyone doesn't make things difficult for each other. I used to feel this atmosphere in high school. Some students in the class didn't study much, but as long as they didn't disturb others, the teacher would let them "slack off" by default. It's like an unspoken rule of "we don't undermine each other." The author quoted Sizer's "Let's Make a Deal" to satirize this seemingly calm but lacking in-depth communication in education. I think this "transactional" teaching atmosphere may seem to be easy in the short term, but in the long run, it will make teaching lose its real challenge and meaning.

    1. Beautiful, feminine, popular with the boys, popular with the girls .... The one thing I would like to get across about my whole feeling regarding high school is how I was when I was fifteen: gawky, always a hem hanging down, or a strap loose, or a pimple on my chin. I never knew what to do with my hair. I was a mess. And I still carry that fifteen-year-old girl around now. A piece of me still believes I'm the girl nobody dances with.

      It really captures how our teenage insecurities can stick with us for years. That image of the “girl nobody dances with” feels symbolic of how many people carry around a version of their younger, uncertain self. It reminds me of when I was in ninth grade and showed up to a school dance in an outfit I thought was cool—only to realize no one else dressed that way.

    2. But even as the number of friendships grows, the quality of adolescent relationships remains a problem. Today's teenagers, both girls and boys, report that although they have many friends, they lack intimate, close friends. Teenagers say that there is no one that they can really confide in, no one with whom to share their deepest thoughts. In the midst of a crowd, they feel alone. It is a disturbing admission.

      This paragraph is heartbreaking but so real. It shows how even though teens are surrounded by people, they still feel alone—like there’s no one they can truly open up to. Having a lot of friends doesn’t always mean having real connection. I remember in high school, I was part of a big friend group, but when my dog passed away, I didn’t feel like I could tell anyone how deeply it affected me. It felt like we only talked about surface-level stuff. That kind of quiet loneliness can really wear you down, even when you’re constantly “with people.”

    3. It's interesting how different atmospheres and the presence of certain individuals in the class can really determine how someone acts and feels in the room. I see a lot of hurt in these halls ... kids struggling, being harassed, ridiculed, teased .... It appears that the courses in school aren't really the hardest part about it. And the material taught in classes is probably the least of what is learned within these walls. But what kids learn, is it helping them or pulling them apart? School is more of a war zone-a place to survive.1

      This section hits hard—it really shows that the biggest challenges in school aren't about academics, but about emotional survival. The line “school is more of a war zone—a place to survive” really stuck with me. It’s a reminder that students often face way more than just tests and homework—they’re navigating bullying, pressure, and identity. I remember in middle school, there was a kid in our class who barely spoke, and only years later did we find out he was being bullied constantly. No one noticed because we were all too busy surviving our own stuff. This makes me think schools should focus more on emotional safety, not just grades.

    4. High school can be a pressure cooker where teenagers are shoved into close quarters with twenty-five or thirty others of their age whom they may love, hate, care little about, or hardly know. Rushing from class to class, adolescents create a world of unique norms, rituals, and vocabulary, a place where even time is trans-formed from hours and minutes to periods. Adults are rarely allowed into the high school culture, but if we listen closely, we can learn a lot about how students see their world.

      This paragraph really nails the emotional rollercoaster of high school—it’s chaotic, intense, and full of contradictions. I like how it points out that students basically live in their own little universe with rules and rhythms adults rarely see. And the part about “friends” being the best part of school? So relatable. I barely remember what I learned in math class, but I do remember laughing so hard with my friends during lunch that we got shushed by the librarian. Looking back, those friendships made everything else—awkward phases, pressure, even bad grades—so much easier to handle.

    5. In the central drama of adolescence, high school is when girls and boys begin their quests to develop an adult identity. They experiment with dif-ferent roles in ways that bewilder their parents. As one mother told us: My daughter comes home from school exhausted. She doesn't say much usually, but yesterday she couldn't stop talking. First she was so happy because the cast names were up for the play and she got a part.

      This part beautifully shows how high school is more than just academics—it’s really where teens start trying out who they want to become. The phrase “experiment with different roles” totally makes sense; one day you’re shy and quiet, the next you’re suddenly in the school play or trying out for student council. It reminds me of my friend who used to be super introverted, but after she joined the drama club, she started to shine. She told me it felt like she finally found a version of herself that made sense—and that’s what high school is often about: testing things out until something clicks.

    1. Benny lived with his 4-year-old brother and grandmother who became his legal guardian when he was an infant and his mother was charged with neglect. A church sister and her three children shared their small apartment for several months and extended family members lived nearby. Benny’s grandmother, Doña5 Nydia Santos, had received her high school diploma in Puerto Rico and had moved to the mainland about 25 years before. She spoke English with ease. Benny was fluent in Spanish and English, and the family spoke primarily Spanish among themselves. In school, Benny was eligible for the free lunch for low-income families. Participation in a Spanish Pentecostal church was at the center of the family’s life.

      This section talks about Benny's family background, and we can see that his living conditions are quite complicated: his mother is not around, his grandmother is the guardian, and he lives in a small apartment with other relatives. Although the economy is tight, the family is close-knit, and the support from the community and the church is strong. What warms my heart is that although Benny faces many challenges, he is proficient in both languages ​​and has a strong sense of cultural belonging, which shows that his family is doing their best to support his growth. This also reminds us not to only look at these children with the label of "low-income", but their lives are actually full of resilience and diverse resources.

    2. Benny and Miguel’s school and homes were located in adjacent low-income neighborhoods in Midwest City. Benny lived in Fountains, two blocks from the school in a subsidized apartment. The neighborhood was bounded by busy streets and a transportation hub

      This section provides detailed background information about the neighborhoods where Benny and Miguel live, including racial proportions, poverty rates, and education levels. Although the numbers may seem a bit high, they actually tell us an important reality: these children are growing up in an environment with insufficient resources but cultural diversity. What impressed me was that although the poverty rates in different communities were high, the cultural composition and living conditions in each place were still different. The researchers did not use the word "poverty" to describe the complexity of these communities in detail, which also reminds us not to just look at economic data, but also to see the people living in them.

    3. Throughout the analysis process, we wove together the participants’ per-spectives, contexts, and histories; the literature; and our perspectives (LeCompte & Preissle, 1993; Lewis, Enciso, & Moje, 2007). Our experi-ences and identities were relevant. I am a White, Spanish-speaking teacher educator who has lived in Latin American, and the consultant is Latina, an education professional and researcher, originally from Argentina; we both have experience working in the communities studied. The research assistants were college students, Mexican American and Puerto Rican and all bilingual, who also participated in the data analysis along with the classroom teacher who is Puerto Rican and bilingual.

      What is particularly worthy of praise in this paragraph is that the author frankly explained his and his team's background - including race, language ability, cultural experience, etc. They also emphasized that they considered the perspectives of the participants and reflected on their own positions when analyzing (this is "etic analysis"). I think this kind of self-disclosure is important because it reminds us that research is not neutral, but rather an understanding of the world with human experience and bias. Seeing so many people from different backgrounds working together to analyze materials also made me feel the diversity and inclusiveness of this research.

    4. After observing in the ESL classroom once a week for the fall semester, initially for the entire day, then for the morning session during literacy instruction, selecting two Latino boys with no identified learning challenges, and obtaining consent from their families, the research assistants and I visited the families once a month for 2 to 4 hours from January to July. During the visits, we spent time with them at home and followed them into community places they regularly visited. We observed and participated in the activities and took photographs when appropriate. We also learned about other literacy spaces we were not able to observe.

      This section talks about the research team's on-site participation. They not only observed, but also followed the families to participate in activities, took photos, and experienced life in the community. This kind of "participatory observation" makes the research closer to real life, rather than just analyzing from the classroom or books. I think this also reflects a kind of respect: not standing outside and watching, but walking in and experiencing together. This method is particularly suitable for studying family and community culture, because many things can be felt, rather than fully explained by data.

    5. With our work grounded in these conceptualizations and this literature, and given the gaps in the literature, our focus came to be on literacy spaces in the children’s homes and communities where they, their families, and com-munity members constructed spaces for school-related and informal litera-cies, taking advantage of the material conditions and possibilities of those places, within their cultural and social contexts. We aimed to identify, privi-lege, and learn from their literacies and literacy spaces.

      This passage makes me feel very respectful of the experience of children and families. The author does not want to "teach" children how to read and write, but wants to "discover, value, and learn from them." This is really different. It emphasizes a bottom-up understanding rather than imposing expert knowledge on the community. This attitude is not only humble, but also makes us rethink the question of who should teach whom and who should learn from whom in education.

    6. Third, literacy has been described as a situated, sociocul-tural practice that is embedded in and shaped by social and cultural contexts (Barton, Hamilton, & Ivanič, 2000). And fourth, children create syncretic literacies when they draw on literacies from school, home, popular culture, the Internet, and religious and other community settings to create new forms and practices. Often, they blur the boundaries between these as they take texts and practices from one place to reinvent in another (Genishi & Dyson, 2009; Gregory, Volk, & Long, 2013; Volk, 2013

      This section quotes a lot of literature, explaining that "literacy" is not just about reading and writing, but a variety of "meaningful expressive behaviors," such as speaking, drawing, using the Internet, and even gestures and religious activities. What's particularly interesting is the last point, that children actually mix these different cultural sources and turn them into their own way of expression. I think this perspective is particularly inspiring because it sees children as creative participants rather than passive recipients of knowledge, and it also shows that the development of literacy is very diverse and flexible.

    7. This article provides details of our work, including discussions of our con-ceptual understandings and the relevant literature; the methods we used, the urban contexts of the city, school, and neighborhoods; what we found and what we learned; and implications for practice in urban schools

      This paragraph is like a preview of the whole article, telling us that the author will explain everything from theory, methods, background to actual findings, especially the inspiration for urban schools. I think it is very practical that it not only talks about the research conclusions, but also discusses the environment and specific operations behind it. This kind of research that is clearly explained from beginning to end is actually very helpful for readers like us. It allows us to truly understand how these conclusions are drawn and it is easier to imagine how these experiences can be used in other places.

    8. In the study described here, the research team I led took a close look at the ways that two Latino families, living in two low-income neighborhoods simi-lar in some ways to those described by Neuman and Celano, “aggressively and persistently” nurtured their children’s developing literacy. More specifi-cally, we asked, What are the access points to literacy in the homes and low-income neighborhoods of two young Latino boys?

      This paragraph emphasizes that the subjects of the study are two Latino families from low-income communities, and the focus is on how they "actively and continuously" support their children's literacy development. What I find particularly touching is that the study does not treat them as a vulnerable group, but rather sees their proactive efforts in family education. For example, although Benny and Miguel are only 6 years old and are still learning English, their families have already created space and opportunities for them to learn. This reminds me that insufficient resources do not mean insufficient enthusiasm for education.

    9. This article describes a research study using an ethnographic approach and sociocultural theory with a spatial perspective to explore the ways that two Latino children, with the mediation of their families, constructed literacy spaces in their homes and communities. The families lived in low-income neighborhoods, and their school district was identified as urban emergent. Challenging the profiling of children, families, and neighborhoods, the article details how the children and families expressed their agency by building on the affordances of their homes, neighborhoods, and city.

      This is an interesting study! The author uses ethnography and sociocultural theory to study from a spatial perspective how two Latino children, with the help of their families, create their own "literacy spaces" at home and in the community. Although these families live in low-income communities, the study breaks the stereotypes of these children and communities and instead shows how they proactively use the resources around them to support learning. I think the best thing is that the author emphasizes the children's "expert experience" - they actually know how they learn, but adults often don't notice it. Finally, the article also suggests that schools should work more with the community. I think this point of view is particularly practical and can help educators support children in a more down-to-earth way.

  2. Apr 2025
  3. docdrop.org docdrop.org
    1. my surprise one day to be standing in front of a classroom of students as their teacher, returning to the scene of the crime. Over and over and over again in school I had been cued both verbally and nonverbally that I was poor. I wasn't good enough, I didn't have enough, and what I had was the wrong thing. School projects, holidays, extracurricular activities, and field trips would send a surge of panic through our house because they were yet another expense. There are other curricula besides the one being verbalized. There are the ones in the hallways with snide remarks from peers, on the playground with put-downs learned from parents, and in the celebration of holidays at school that can completely panic a happy family. More is caught than taught.

      This passage really resonates with me, especially the phrase "More is caught than taught". The author points out that although the school does not directly teach you that "you are poor", various small details are constantly reminding you - such as activities that require payment, holiday celebrations, and other people's unintentional comments. These "invisible courses" are actually the most profound education. It emphasizes a reality: children sometimes learn more from the environment than teachers say in class. And these "information" learned often directly shapes their positioning of themselves and their views on the world. This psychological burden may start from a seemingly simple extracurricular activity.

    2. Next, I held it until it dried. Then I turned the egg upside down and held a third of it in blue dye. This took an entire evening. My egg was spectacular, and I was thrilled to carry it proudly into school the next day. And that's when I saw the other eggs. Danny's egg was dressed exactly like Abraham Lincoln. It had a top hat and a black jacket with a white shirt and stiff paper collar. Its face was painted like a china doll, and it had real hair that had been liberated from a curly-haired sister for a beard and mous-tache. It had its own little stand. It looked presidential.

      This passage vividly describes a child's dedication to a school project - he was so proud of his own eggs that he didn't feel the difference until he saw other people's "presidential-level" works. This is not just about whose eggs are more fancy, but also the first time to realize the differences in resources, creativity and even family support. Although it seems to be a small activity, it actually hides the feeling of comparison, identity and "being seen". This subtle school experience often constitutes a child's early understanding of his or her social position.

    3. Because of Ricky, I felt self-conscious about doing the family tree assign-ment. Everyone else's tree had beautiful, perfectly symmetrical limbs on it, a father limb and a mother limb. My fatherless tree only had a mother limb on one side, and it looked like those pine trees on top of Pikes Peak, where the wind had whipped all the limbs onto one side. My tree wasn't whole. It wasn't until I got to seventh grade and had to take shop class t~at I real-ized how important it was to have the prerequisite of a father. What dtd I know of hammers and tools and woodworking? I grew timid and unsure of myself in 23

      This paragraph is very vivid, and the metaphor of "branch leaning to one side" for family structure is really impactful. Through the family tree assignments and woodworking classes in school, the author gradually realized the differences that the fact of "no father" brought about in society and growth. Although no one said it explicitly, some seemingly small assignments or courses actually implicitly emphasized the existence of a certain "standard family". It also shows us that the education system sometimes defaults to a family model, which is actually a silent exclusion for many children.

    4. poor, White trash," Danny hissed as he sashayed by me on the dusty, pebble-filled p!a~ground at first recess. I started to cry, and I remember that Phillip laughed and said, "He's crying like someone just threw dirt in his eyes." And that's exactly what it felt like being told you're poor without being ready for it. I had no idea-absolutely no inkling whatsoever-that I'd spent the last eight years in poverty. I grew up in West Virginia, where the entire state looks l

      This paragraph is so sad and true. The young author didn't realize that he was "poor" until he was called "white trash" by others - before that, he didn't even realize that he was poor. Especially the sentence "Third grade was the first time I learned 'I am poor' in school" is really touching, like a social label suddenly hit. It reminds me of a similar moment when I was a child, that is, you thought everything was fine, until someone reminded you that you were "different" with a certain look, and you will always remember that shock.

  4. docdrop.org docdrop.org
    1. This study is based on interviews and obser-vations of children, aged 8 to 10, and their families. The data were collected over time in three research phases. Phase one involved observations in two third-grade classrooms in a public school in the Midwestern com-munity of "Lawrenceville."4 After conduct-ing observations for two months, I grouped the families into social class (and race) cat-egories based on information provided by educators. I then chose every third name, and sent a letter to the child's home asking the mother and father to participate in sepa-rate interviews. Over 90 percent of parents agreed, for a total of 32 children (16 white and 16 African American). A black graduate student and I interviewed all mothers and most fathers (or guardians) of the children. Each interview lasted 90 to 120 minutes, and all took place in 1989-1990.

      This paragraph is about how the study was done - it sounds pretty solid. They visited 32 families of children between the ages of 8 and 10, and spent several months observing, grouping, and conducting in-depth interviews. I think the most interesting thing is that they also classified by social class and race, which shows that the author really wants to find out how "family background" affects children. To be honest, this reminds me of a classmate in elementary school. His parents loved to contact the teacher and would show up at school at any time to arrange tutoring, but in fact it could widen the gap in the children's development.

    2. These findings extend Kohn and Schooler's (1983) observa-tion of class differences in parents' values, showing that differences also exist in the be-havior of parents and children. Quantitative studies of children's activities offer valuable empirical evidence but only limited ideas about how to conceptualize the mechanisms through which social advantage is transmitted. Thus, my second goal is to offer "conceptual umbrellas" useful for mak-ing comparisons across race and class and for assessing the role of social structural lo-cation in shaping daily life.

      This paragraph is quite realistic, saying that parents from working-class and poor families don't pay much attention to developing their children's "special talents", but rather let their children play by themselves when they are free, and the connection between relatives is deeper. This reminds me of when I was a child, I spent most of my summer vacation at my grandmother's house, and my cousins ​​and I played together every day. No one arranged interest classes or anything like that. I felt that life was quite free, but it really had nothing to do with "special development".

      And finally, although there is a lot of data, research often lacks a "big framework" to explain how social advantages are transmitted - this resonates with me too much. Many times, it's not the lack of data, but the lack of an idea to piece together the fragments. Life is much more complicated, and it can't be explained by a few tables.

    3. Pointing to a "thin evidentiary base" for claims of social class differences in the inte-rior of family life, Kingston also asserts that "class distinguishes neither distinctive parenting styles or distinctive involvement of kids" in specific behaviors (p. 134). One problem with many studies is that they are narrowly focused.

      This paragraph is questioning that many studies are too "stubborn", saying that they look at the problem too narrowly, such as only focusing on the education level of parents to analyze family differences. To be honest, I can understand this criticism - sometimes reality is much more complicated than research. I have also stepped into this pit when writing papers before. I checked a lot of data and finally found that it could not explain what I observed. Sometimes the story of people and families really cannot be explained by a single indicator.

    4. An ethnographic data set of white children and black children approximately JO years old shows the effects of social class on interactions inside the home. Middle-class parents engage in concerted cultivation by attempting to foster children's talents through organized leisure activities and extensive reasoning. Working-class and poor parents engage in the accomplishment of natural growth, providing the condi-tions under which children can grow but leaving leisure activities to children them-selves. These parents also use directives rather than reasoning. Middle-class chil-dren, both white and black, gain an emerging sense of entitlement from their family life. Race had much less impact than social class.

      This passage is actually quite interesting - it compares the way middle-class families and working-class/poor families raise children. Parents in middle-class families will deliberately arrange interest classes and extracurricular activities, and will use "reasoning" to guide their children; while working-class families are more likely to let their children grow up freely, and they don't arrange many "organized" activities. This reminds me of my childhood, when my parents always said "go play by yourself", and now I think it's quite free.

      But the article also points out that this difference will make children from middle-class families more likely to have a feeling of "I deserve more", which is the so-called "entitlement", which may become a kind of self-confidence in adulthood. Children from working-class families do not develop this mentality so obviously. Therefore, the influence of social class on children's personality and opportunities is actually quite far-reaching, not just a matter of money.

  5. docdrop.org docdrop.org
    1. Given the impact of dominant and subordinate status, it is not surprising thar researchers have found that adolescents of color are more likely co be actively engaged in an exploration of their racial or ethnic identity than are White adolescents. 2

      This makes a lot of sense—nobody figures out everything about who they are all at once. Teens might be thinking a lot about one part of their identity, like race, while not really touching others yet. And because of how society treats people differently based on race, it’s totally expected that teens of color are more focused on racial or ethnic identity. It’s like, when the world keeps reminding you of it, you kind of have no choice but to think about it more deeply.

    2. One thing that happens is puberty. As children enter adolescence , they begin to explore the question of identity, asking "Who am I? Who can I be?" in ways they have not done before. For Black youth, asking "Who am I?" usually includes thinking about "Who am I ethnically and/or racially? What does it mean to be Black?"

      This part really hits—puberty isn’t just about physical changes, it’s when kids start asking big questions like “Who am I?” For Black kids, though, that question often includes race in a way others might not experience. It’s not just about fitting in, but about understanding what it means to be Black. I like how the author points out that identity isn’t one-size-fits-all—everyone’s experience is shaped by the world around them.

  6. docdrop.org docdrop.org
    1. Ironically, their parents' status as gang members in Santa Ana con-tinues to protect the girls to some extent from gang harassment. "We were never pressured into doing it [joining a gang] because of who our family was." The example of their mother has taught them never to do drugs or alcohol. --

      This line is so complicated and sad. It shows how even something as harmful as gang involvement can offer a twisted form of protection. It’s heartbreaking that these girls found safety not through systems meant to help them, but through fear and reputation. It really makes you think about how broken the environment around them must’ve been.

    2. Clara recalls that their father did occasionally cake chem to pick strawberries on weekends to help make ends meet, but even so she did not think of her family as poor.

      This line really stuck with me. It shows how even when Clara's family was struggling financially, they created a sense of security and dignity for their kids. It says a lot about how powerful family support and love can be, even when money is tight. Sometimes, how you feel about your life matters more than what you actually have.

    3. By 2013, 46 percent of the county's population spoke a language other than English at home. 2 Latino immi-grants today make up more than a third of che population

      This really shows how much Orange County has changed over the years. It’s no longer just the stereotype of a wealthy, white suburb—it’s way more diverse now. The fact that almost half the people speak a different language at home says a lot about the shift. It makes you think about how places evolve and how important it is to recognize those changes.

    1. I often encourage my students to feel when we learn about inequality, because oppression works in a way so that we no longer feel empathy for target groups.

      This line really stood out to me. I like how the author reminds us that learning about inequality shouldn’t just be about facts—it’s about feeling something too. It’s so easy to become numb when we see injustice all the time, but that loss of empathy is dangerous. If we stop feeling, we stop caring, and that’s when real harm continues unnoticed. This quote is a powerful call to stay human in how we approach social issues.

  7. docdrop.org docdrop.org
    1. According to economic theory, families with higher incomes are better able to purchase or produce important "inputs" into their young chil-dren's development-for example, nutritious meals, enriched home learn-ing environments and child-care settings outside the home, and safe and stimulating neighborhood environments.4

      This line really shows how money doesn’t just change what you can buy—it changes your whole environment. From healthier food to better neighborhoods, wealth gives kids a head start before they even get to school. It’s kinda sad how these “inputs” aren’t available to every child. It makes you realize just how unfair the system can be from the very beginning.

    2. More income enables families to purchase better housing in better neighborhoods and thereby reduce their children's exposure to neigh-borhood violence and toxins such as lead and airborne pollutants, while increasing access to parks, playgrounds, better schools, and health care. National consumer expenditure data provide a systematic look at spend-ing differences between high-and low-income families.1

      This really shows how money doesn’t just buy stuff—it buys safety, health, and better chances for kids. Families with more income can give their kids way more than just a roof over their heads. They get cleaner air, safer streets, and better schools too. It’s kinda heartbreaking how big a difference money can make in a child’s whole future.

    3. Permission is needed if Harold or his sister wants something to eat, because food is always in short supply: "One Friday night, for instance, the two pizzas in the oven must be divided among [six family members]. When Harold asks for a second piece of pizza, he is redirected to drink soda. Another night, each child has one meatball, canned yams, and canned spinach for dinner.

      This really hit me—having to ask just to eat something shows how tough things are for Harold’s family. It’s not just about food, it’s about constantly feeling limited. No kid should have to think twice before asking for more dinner. It makes you realize how deeply poverty affects the little things in life.

    4. It is easy to imagine how the childhood circumstances of these two young men may have shaped their fates. Alexander lived in the suburbs while Anthony lived in the city center. Most of Alexander's suburban neighbors lived in families with incomes above the $125,000 that now sep-arates the richest 20 percent of children from the rest. Anthony Mears's school served pupils from families whose incomes were near or below the $27,000 threshold separating the bottom 20 percent (see figure 2.4). With an income of more than $300,000, Alexander's family was able to spend far more money on Alexander's education, lessons, and other enrichment activities than Anthony's parents could devote to their son's needs. Both of Alexander's parents had professional degrees, so they knew all about what Alexander needed to do to prepare himself for college. An-thony's mother completed some classes after graduating from high school, but his father, a high school dropout, struggled even to read. And in con-trast to Anthony, Alexander lived with both of his parents, which not only added to family income but also increased the amount of time available for a parent to spend with Alexander. 23

      It’s kinda wild how just growing up in different places can change everything. Alexander probably had parks, good schools, and support all around, while Anthony had to figure things out in a tougher environment. It honestly doesn’t feel fair—they started the race from totally different spots.