However, that he assumes the best political ideological model that captures professors and students is "Right" versus "Left" is unwise. Despite media shorthand, American politics is poorly reduced to just two opposing stances. It isn't just that there might be a third, some "Middle," but that there are more (for instance, "libertarian" variants that are not well captured as either Right or Left or Middle, and such folks are easily found in university and college faculties).

Nevertheless, one potentially important way of improving the Right’s representation in academia is to stop overstating the challenges conservatives face on campus. By promoting their peculiar brand of right-wing victimization, activists run the risk of exacerbating academia’s political imbalance by needlessly discouraging conservatives from considering careers in higher education.

Focusing on the 494 books with an ideological thesis, the researchers found that only 2 percent of Harvard University Press publications had conservative or classically liberal perspectives. While we don’t know the proportion of conservative manuscripts submitted for Harvard University Press’s consideration, it seems improbable that 98 percent of the requests had a left-leaning thesis.

If the academic universe were evenly divided between Republicans and Democrats, the unconscious tendency to challenge dissenting viewpoints would hamper the publication of conservative and liberal work at roughly the same rate. However, with a vast majority of academics falling on the left side of the political spectrum, this is an issue that, in all probability, tends to hamper the publication of conservative-leaning ideas.

Looking at survey data from all of higher education’s primary constituencies, I began to realize that Republicans and conservatives, while vastly outnumbered in academia, were, for the most part, successful, happy, and prosperous. Fewer than 2 percent of faculty (Republican or Democratic) reported being the victims of unfair treatment based on their politics. Only 7 percent of Republican faculty believed that discrimination against those with “right-wing” views was a serious problem on their campus, compared with 8 percent of Democratic faculty who expressed concerns about discrimination against those with “left-wing” views. Asked to consider what they would do if given the opportunity to “begin your career again,” 91 percent of Democratic faculty and 93 percent of Republican faculty answered that they would “definitely” or “probably” want to be a college professor. Similarly, few rightleaning students or administrators claimed to have been the victims of political mistreatment. Like their Democratic counterparts, most were satisfied with their experience in higher education.

Robert Maranto introduced us to Stanley Rothman, a respected scholar and prolific author who had devoted much of his distinguished career to the study of elites.

In our next major article in the April 2009 edition of PS: Political Science and Politics, “I Think My Professor Is a Democrat: Considering Whether Students Recognize and React to Faculty Politics,” we provided evidence that while student views do shift over the course of a semester, they tend to move somewhat randomly, usually regressing toward the mean. While we observed a slight shift in favor of the Democrats (representing an average 0.06 points on a five-point scale), the change occurred irrespective of the professor’s political orientation. Thus, while students’ partisan orientations did shift over the course of time, the changes are hardly what one might expect if faculty members were systematically indoctrinating their students.

Quite surprisingly, whatever impact college might have on students’ academic ambitions, left-leaning first-year students begin their education with a far greater interest in eventually pursuing a doctoral degree than their conservative counterparts. Whereas liberal and conservative students have very similar grades and nearly identical levels of satisfaction with their overall college experience, right-leaning students are far more likely to select “practical” majors that are less likely to lead to advanced degrees. Their emphasis on vocational fields such as business and criminal justice permits them to move directly into the workforce.

In our July 2006 PS: Political Science and Politics article, “My Professor Is a Partisan Hack: How Perceptions of a Professor’s Political Views Affect Student Course Evaluations,” we found that when students perceive a gap between their political views and those of their instructor, students express less interest in the material, are inclined to look less favorably on the course, and tend to offer the instructor a lower course evaluation. The results, while not earth shattering, demonstrated that students do not passively accept disparate political messages but tend to push back against faculty members they perceive as presenting a hostile point of view.

I was wrong. We found virtually nothing on the question and comparatively little on the impact of politics in the classroom more generally. Thus began a line of research that would consume all of our energies over the next six years as we adapted our skills as public-opinion specialists to the study of politics in higher education.

it never occurred to me to study the politics within academia. Because everyone already knew conservatives were a persecuted minority, what was the point?

In waging their high-profile crusade against ideological bias in the academy, activists such as David Horowitz may be overstating the extent to which conservatives are mistreated on campuses.

David Horowitz

We find traces but nostatistically or substantively significant evidence of bias.

“To the degree that ideological biases exist, they have very modest impacts,” said Maranto. “Even if some students are the victims of unconscious bias in grading, our results suggest that academic readiness is a far more important predictor of success than students’ political views.”

Curiously, despite the slightly lower grades, conservative students consistently expressed higher levels of satisfaction with college courses and experiences.

Students who expressed pro-life views, generally a subgroup among conservative students, tended to report higher grades in both high school and college. However, the academic advantage for pro-life students disappeared at elite colleges. That could be a sign of a greater bias against pro-life students at highly selective colleges. But it’s also possible these students, whose survey responses indicated that they are good at delaying gratification, lose their relative advantage at highly selective colleges, where all students tend to delay gratification and work hard.

The slim gap in grades between conservative and liberal students was evident even after controlling for race, gender, socioeconomic status and SAT scores. Even among two white males with similar academic and economic backgrounds, the conservative student was likely to have slightly lower college grades than the liberal student.

One team of researchers studied more than 7,000 students around the nation who started college in 2009 and found the answer: not so much. They calculated that the most conservative students earned grades that were less than a tenth of a grade point lower than those of the most liberal students on a conventional four-point scale. That’s a small fraction of the difference between a B (a 3.0) and a B-plus (a 3.3), for example.

“For us, it slows things down. We try to integrate people back to humanity,” Mr. McAleer said. “If isolation and shame is the driver for people joining these types of groups, doxxing certainly isn’t the answer.”

“People went berserk,” Ms. Coleman said. “That, to me, was this interesting turning point where it showed the general public would be willing to jump into the fray.”

When memes or the subjects of a meme are used for commercial purposes without permission, the meme creator may sue, as the effect of the commercial use on the market value of the original meme usually prevents a finding of fair use.

Meme creators and posters have been sued for using people’s images without permission, especially those who were not already public figures.

Bret Weinstein@BretWeinsteinProfessor in Exile. Evolutionary Trade-Offs. Telomeres, Senescence and Cancer. The DarkHorse Podcast. Emoticons imply irony. Game~B/Fourth Frontier #Unity2020

Envy, resentment and hatred are masked today in cultural marxism as equity and identity politics. Observe the manifestation and effect per the microcosm of Evergreen University. Its the perfect paradigm that marxism exists today but has been rebranded.

Our problems as a nation, or rather the crises facing The Republic, aren’t that that we just happened to end up with the wrong leaders by way of some unfortunate goof, but that we actually have an intractable system of corrupting influences. For instance, a campaign finance system that’s essentially open bribery. And simply being courageous and patriotic and whatever other bullshit adjectives you want to throw at the beast in an attempt to kill it with pretension and synonyms… none of that will be enough to insulate you from those corrupting influences. Believe it or not, merely electing people you like because they came on your podcast isn’t going to be enough to fix a broken system. The problem might be more complicated than that.

However the list of right-wing names had something in common. Dan Crenshaw, Tucker Carlson, even Ted Cruz’s name came up at one point earlier and the brothers clearly held favorable opinions towards all three; these are all pretty conventional Trump Republicans. Why would Trump supporters run against Trump?

The fact that Andrew Yang had already committed to backing Joe Biden didn’t seem to come up. Nor did it come up that McRaven had stepped down from his job as chancellor of the University of Texas in 2018, citing health concerns. (There’s not much evidence that McRaven is even a Republican.) Carlson and Weinstein also neglected to mention at the time the show aired, the deadline for ballot access had already passed in at least 10 states.

1) Draft a unity ticket (one candidate from the “center-left” and one from the “center right”) in time for the 2020 presidential contest that was, at the time, just four months away. A coin flip will determine which of the candidates ran at the top of the ticket.2) The duo will agree to govern as a team, with all decisions made jointly. 3) For their (assumed) second term the president and vice president would switch roles.4) The candidates must possess three qualities: they must be courageous, capable and patriotic.

When Pressley pressed McGarrity on the secret “race paper” and the black identity extremist designation first uncovered in the 12-page FBI document called “Black Identity Extremists Likely Motivated to Target Law Enforcement Officers,” the counterterrorism director revealed that the FBI no longer uses the term.

Go up to the “omnibar” Strip off everything after the domain name, type wikipedia and press enter This generates a Google search for that URL with the Wikipedia page at the top Click that link, then check in the sidebar that the URL matches. Forty-nine out of fifty times it will. The fiftieth time you may have some work to do.

A majority of adults (59%) said politics on college campuses lean toward a particular viewpoint, while 28% said campuses are nonpartisan. Of those who thought politics lean toward one particular viewpoint, 77% said they lean liberal, while 15% said they lean conservative. About half (47%) of those who see an ideological tilt at colleges and universities said this is a major problem, while 32% said it’s a minor problem.

Roughly eight-in-ten Republicans (79%) say professors bringing their political and social views into the classroom is a major reason why the higher education system is headed in the wrong direction (only 17% of Democrats say the same).

A new Pew Research Center survey finds that only half of American adults think colleges and universities are having a positive effect on the way things are going in the country these days. About four-in-ten (38%) say they are having a negative impact – up from 26% in 2012.

Interestingly, even professors registered as Republicans were more likely to donate to Democrats by a 4.6:1 disproportion, suggesting that party registration is misleading when used by itself as a measure of the professoriate’s partisan skew. As Langbert and Stevens gently put it, “it would appear that the professors registered as Republicans often tend to be loosely tied to the Republican Party.”

“48.4 percent are registered Democrats and 5.7 percent are registered Republicans, a ratio of 8.5:1.” Registration ratios ranged from 3:1 in economics departments to 42:1 in anthropology, and tended to be worse at higher-ranked schools. In terms of donations, 2,081 profs gave exclusively to Democrats and only 22 gave exclusively to Republicans, an incredible 95:1 ratio, though the actual dollar amounts were skewed “only” 21:1.

Intrigued by this phenomenon, I recently surveyed a nationally representative sample of roughly 900 “student-facing” administrators — those whose work concerns the quality and character of a student’s experience on campus. I found that liberal staff members outnumber their conservative counterparts by the astonishing ratio of 12-to-one. Only 6 percent of campus administrators identified as conservative to some degree, while 71 percent classified themselves as liberal or very liberal. It’s no wonder so much of the nonacademic programming on college campuses is politically one-sided.

Incoming first-year students, by contrast, reported less than a two-to-one ratio of liberals to conservatives, according to a 2016 finding by the Higher Education Research Institute. It appears that a fairly liberal student body is being taught by a very liberal professoriate — and socialized by an incredibly liberal group of administrators.

Sixty-nine percent of college students believe political conservatives can freely and openly express their views on campus. While still a majority, it is far less than the 92% who say the same about political liberals. Between 80% and 94% of students believe other campus groups, including many that have historically faced discrimination, can freely express their views.

While more students now agree that their campus climate stifles free speech, fewer students now (70%) than in 2016 (78%) favor having an open campus environment that allows all types of speech, even that which is offensive. In contrast, 29% of students now, up from 22% in 2016, would rather campuses be "positive learning environments for all students" by prohibiting certain speech that is offensive or biased.

Students' perceptions that their campus climate prevents people from speaking their minds are generally similar by gender, race and ideological self-identification. However, students who identify as Democrats (63%) or independents (62%) are somewhat more likely than Republican students (53%) to think the climate at their college deters speech. That is a reversal from 2016, when Republicans were more likely than Democrats to hold this view.

WASHINGTON, D.C. -- Sixty-one percent of U.S. college students agree that the climate on their campus prevents some people from expressing their views because others might find them offensive. In 2016, 54% of college students held this view.

Sixty-six percent of liberal students and 63% of conservative students believe political conservatives at their college can freely express their views; 68% of Republicans and 67% of Democrats say the same.

One in four college students say they have personally felt uncomfortable on campus because of comments they heard about their race, ethnicity or religion. Black (43%) and Jewish students (38%) are among the subgroups most likely to say they have felt uncomfortable. Republicans (17%) are the least likely major subgroup to say they have felt uncomfortable.