Professors Question:
What were the methods they used that made the study successful?
Methods: Community based assessment Multidimensional instrument *
Why do you think they used those methods? *
What is its aboriginal meaning? 1 : being the first of its kind in a region aboriginal plants. 2 : of or relating to the original people living in a region.
The social environment may contribute to thiselevated risk, but few empirical studies have used objectivemeasures of the social environment to examine this hypothesis.
Problem: A few empirical studies have used social environment to examine that hypothesis. Not enough empirical studies yet.
hefirst stage of compensation
After watching the ICRC video, Linus mentioned, " People resort to establishing some kind of peace by the common expression you pay compensation. Compensation is a ceremony." It's interesting to see him say it goes in a cycle: "peace, war, peace, war." PNG see's it as a ceremony, but how do you think the U.S sees compensation?
because eco-nomic development currently trumps historic preservation and culture in hawai‘i.
We have seen so many examples of this statement being confirmed through the previous chapters.
Kanaka Maoli discussions of a living culture embodying beliefs and practices of the past and present, in which spirituality and kuleana are integral components, are about respect. res-pect must be given to those that came before, our kūpuna, acknowledging how genealogical and cultural foundations form and sustain present-day communities.
I'm finding similarities within the books we read before. There's a vital importance of respecting Kupuna. I feel that this is very strong in other cultures too. To nurture and sustain the stories, language, culture, etc., is to respect our elders and the stories they share with us. Their stories shape the next generations. In Berman's book, Chapter one, we see the emphasis of respect shown through Pinla and Terij.
with do not get credit for their ideas. This research would not be possible without their contributions.
I linked this passage back to the reading Talking Like Children. In Berman's book, we discussed what the reason for keeping her participants anonymous was. And in some cases, we questioned her connection or credibility to her work. In this case, I read this statement, and it was nice to see her point out the drawback reasons for keeping her identities anonymous. I felt that I got to see a small glimpse of connection and credibility from this statement.
n or stuffed out of sight. A mixed background such as mine perhaps marks one as inauthentic for the label "native" or "indigenous" anthropologist; perhaps those who are not clear
How could having a mixed background mark one as inauthentic for the label "native" or "indigenous"? I've also come around to hearing labels such as "halfies" being spoken in culture. In Samoan I believe the term we use to identify someone being "half" or mixed ancestry is "Afakasi".
he meaning and the cause of it?' Uneducated people pass judgment and walk on
I enjoyed reading Swamiji's story. This immediate narrative gave me a better understanding of the differences. This story reminds me of the school's teaching the five Ws. (Who, what, when, where, why). We're constantly analyzing and questioning everything once we're placed in school.
in cultural domains and across groups, even the most experienced of "native" anthropologists cannot know everything about his or her own so
I agree with this statement. I have a question regarding this statement. On page 676, it states, "But like everything which is historical they [identities] undergo constant trans-formation." Does this factor correlate to why"native" anthropologists cannot know everything about his or her own society?
These contingencies of interaction both influenced and were influenced by people’s ages
It is interesting to see how the contingencies of interaction shifts within the structures of hierarchies. The factor "power is age" influences it as well.
Consequently, one could argue that this story reveals the importance in negotiations for children of not age but power. But in the RMI, age is power. The two cannot be separated. First, age leads to power. Terij grew into her control over her house and ability to offer hospi-tality. Second, power is age—powerful people are seen, treated, and interpreted as older.
I keep seeing this pattern throughout chapter one. Age is power and power is age.
The stories I tell here and the words that I reproduce come from observations, audio and video recordings, and interviews compiled over twenty- four total months of living in the RMI and fifteen months of research in Jajikon.3
I'm excited to see the author's observations throughout the chapters going forward. The introduction pulled me in with the subjective story of Kori.
This is no different from how Japanese and American tourists today perpetu-ate their own tropical fantasies on Waikiki Beach in Hawai‘i (Feeser and Chan 2006), deliberately framing their snapshots to reproduce the postcard images imprinted in their minds, rather than what they see before their eyes.
Spot on. I like seeing this comparison, being there in person versus making postcard snapshot fantasies in your mind. I could connect this to my family member from the mainland. She had this idea or Hollywood fantasy before visiting. Ah, the look on her face after facing reality was pure bliss.
With its photograph of a slender woman in a “grass” skirt with her exposed thigh showing through, with accoutrements like Hawaiian ti leaf anklets and a haku lei in her hair, the image is less representative of Marshallese femininity and more like a touristic American postcard advertising 1930s Waikiki
Interesting. Wonder who they were trying to advertise to? Who's the intended audience?
The prewar popular Japanese song “Shūchō no Musume” (The Chieftain’s Daughter)1 could almost have been a theme song for Japa-nese colonialism in the Marshall Islands, if not all of Japan’s man-dated territories in the Pacific, for it emerged at the beginning of the Nanyō Guntō administration and encapsulated a whole worldview of Japanese imperial desires: romanticism, assimilation, and possession.
Marking this due to it connecting back to the title of this chapter, "Chasing the Chieftain's Daughter"/ "Shūchō no Musume”.
In other words, Tongans maintain symmetrical relation-ships by showing up and helping one another in life-confirming events—birth-days, graduations, weddings, and funerals, for example.
This statement stood out to me because it highlights the significance of "showing up and helping one another in life-confirming events."
Lo‘au was not only one of the greatest seers of Tonga but also a tufunga fonua—‘a socioecological architect of the land and its people’ (Bott 1982, 92).31 The duty of the tufunga fonua is to distribute the land, organize the Tongan lineages (ha‘a), and assign fatongia to them (see chapter 3). The aim is to artistically arrange the ecological, social, and political structure to produce certain forms of mālie
I thought this section stood out to me or that I found of significance. The role and duties of a tufunga fonua are essential. I see that it encompassed the ecological, social, and political structure to produce malie.
Genealogy is sometimes revealed through the process of introducing one-self.9 For example, when I meet Tongans for the first time, I usually introduce myself by saying “I am Tēvita and Lakalaka Ka‘ili’s son
This is such an exciting difference from Western introductions. Usually, we would introduce ourselves by saying our first name and last name, and then that's it. I love that this process in finding genealogy begins the self-introduction by saying they are the (son/daughter) of (parent a or b). I found this introduction beautiful, and I kind of got a small glimpse into the genealogy process.
Moreover, epistemologically, Tongans value the holistic, collectivistic, and circular arrangement of tā and vā.12 In contrast, the West privileges the atom-istic, individualistic, and linear arrangement of time and space
Western values individualistic (linear )vs Tongan values collectivistic (circular). Bringing all factors (time-spaces) into harmony and beauty. (Malie)
Vā, according to Wendt, is crucial in Samoa because it values communalism over individualism.
Found this to be spot on through personal experience.
Again, Tongan funerals require a tre-mendous amount of time, energy, and resources.
Reading this passage made me think about our last book that we read as a class. The importance of Funerals and seeing the cultural practices during the traditional lenses. I also felt that there was that sense again of harmony. As everyone had a part or role to fulfill.
Symmetry, in an indigenous Tongan sense, is the quality of proportionality, balance, or similarity.
I thought this usage of the term "symmetry" in the Tongan sense is found to be poetic and vibrant. I also see this pattern of symmetry and balance over this chapters going forward.
Mobility is an integral part of indigeneity (
Mobility= Vital