- May 2019
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a swordless conflict,Yet more than all Rome's wars of old, or modern Napoleon's
Walt Whitman addresses how the American Election Day is a harsh and painstaking conflict even though there is no physical fighting taking place. While this refers to all Elections in general, this line directly alludes to the Election of 1884. In the context of history, the Election of 1884 is remembered due to the large amount of mudslinging done by Grover Cleveland and James G. Blaine
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- Apr 2019
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touch us ALL with liberty,touch us ALL with liberty.
The poet uses repetition and capitalization to stress the importance that ALL current and future Americans be granted the principle of liberty.
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but let's celebrate not our wealth,not our sophisticated defense,not our scientific advancements,not our intellectual adventures.let us concentrate on our weaknesses,on our societal needs,
These six lines of the poem are in conversation with Frederick Douglass' What to the Slave is the 4th of July. Douglass discusses in his speech the hypocrisy of the American holiday as it celebrates the nation's freedom and equality while African Americans are subjected to slavery. In this poem, Lady Liberty calls upon the nation to work on its problems and help those who suffer instead of harping on its power.
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This seething hemisphere's humanity, as now, I'd name—the still small voice vibrating—America's choosing day,
Walt Whitman describes how the most powerful aspect of the young United States of America is Election Day. He portrays the nation as a young country with intense anger as he uses the phrase "seething hemisphere's"
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- Mar 2019
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White Americans which manifests as symbolic and unspoken agreements between political actors and the general white American population to amend their differences through compromises,which has always sacrificed the rights and interest of Black Americans.20
And they do this without the consent of the African American population within the United States. This happens again and again throughout history.
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whereby whiteness itself becomes both an identity and a form of capital to be exchanged for societal privilege
The author explains here how race can grant a certain group of people privileges while excluded another. Whiteness vs. darkness
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particularlyin thepost Reconstruction Era, duringwhich a majority of politically active whites sawthemselves as maintaining the control of Blacks and Black interestsin order to defend White interestsat all cost.
In order to maintain their superiority over the newly freed African Americans, white supremist used to Reconstruction and post-Reconstruction Era to implement laws that denied them access to the various privileges of citizenship.
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Rather, this essay explores the formulaic structure of counter-revolutioninsistent on the logic of the Southern slave system, which ultimately necessitated themost recent national issue-the repeal of the 1965 Voting Rights Act.
It is unfortunate and saddening to see that American Americans have to continue to face discrimination and racism in the political system. When will this ever end?
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You deplore the demonstrations taking place in Birmingham. But your statement, I am sorry to say, fails to express a similar concern for the conditions that brought about the demonstrations.
Dr. King exposes the clergymen of Birmingham by explaining how these peaceful demonstrations who have not occurred if they were given their rights as American citizens.
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of the distinction between citizens and persons
The biggest conflict between politicians during this era was the definition of "persons." While this generalization should be inclusive of people of all different races, we see in the case of Native Americans that the term did not necessarily apply to them thus separating them from the clauses of the 14th Amendment and the Civil Rights Act of 1866.
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States." Nonetheless, he indicated a willingness to include a provision dealing specifically with Native American citizenship.
We see here how hypocritical Senator Trumbull of his statement on citizenship in the United States. On the one hand he proclaims that all people born in America are citizens of the nation. But he articulates that this doesn't necessarily apply to Native Americans.
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"all persons of African descent born in the United States are hereby declared to be citizens of the United States." Soon thereafter, the language was altered to provide that "all persons born in the United States and not subject to any foreign power" were deemed to be citizens.
We see here the power of language/ rhetoric. By taking out the term "African descent" and adding "not subject to any foreign power", Senator Lyman Trumbull changes the entire dynamic of this clause articulated in the Civil Rights Act of 1866. I wonder what caused him to change the wording of this clause?
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determining the number of representatives to which a state was entitled.9 By contrast, those who joined white society were counted fully in the basis of representation.
We see in this line how discriminatory the creators of the Constitution were toward Native Americans when creating the structure of the House of Representatives. The only way Native Americans were considered to be part of the state's population was by abandoning there tribal ties and assimilating into white society. However, these assimilated Indians were used as pawns to help states gain more representation in the House, and some were not even granted citizenship.
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- Feb 2019
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, therefore, leave off where I began, with lwpe.
Douglass describes in this concluding paragraph that he is hopeful for the future because the nation is involved in a world community, and the injustices experienced by the slaves will not go unnoticed by the rest of the world.
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gain:t laYel'),
Douglass calls the church to defend blacks against the nation's institutions of slavery and advocate against slavery laws.
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Ia th • deep till dnrkne of midnight, I h:.w=-heen often aroused hy the de::ul heavy foot tep , aml the pitiou~ cries of the clrniucd gnna~ that p1 ..;eel our cloor
Douglass describes the horrifying sound of the rattling chains as slaves were transported to the ship.
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we m·e culled upon to pro,~e thnt we ure men
In this paragraph, Douglass articulates that members of the African American race can function and do the same tasks as any other person in the country. He states that because they can do all the things whites can do, it is there duty to show the world that they too are human beings.
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They form the staple of your national poetry and eloquence.
In this paragraph, Fredrick Douglass explains to his audience that the history surrounding American Independence Day establishes a common national rhetoric that everyone in the audience is familiar with
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The prin-cipl' · c·1.mtai1wu in that iu,trumcnt nrc aduO' 1,rinci-ple . tnml by tho:,;o principles, 1c tru to them on all o •ctt-.iou. , in nil plnc~ 1 ngain t all foe , and nt "hnt Yer co t.
In this statement, Fredrick Douglass is explaining why the Declaration of Independence is important to his audience and himself. It is the document's principles, established by the Founding Fathers 76 years ago, that freed Americans from tyrannical rule. He also calls the audience to stay true to these principles in all circumstances.
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But neither their familiru· faces, nor. the perfect gage I think I bave of Corinthian IInll, seems to free me from embarrassment.
In this paragraph, Fredrick Douglass feels a sense of embarrassment and pressure about delivering this speech because he feels unprepared.
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that all men and women are created equal;
Although the Declaration is intended for all of us as Americans as we saw in Danielle Allen's book Our Declaration, women like Elizabeth Cady Stanton felt that they needed to deliberately state the word "women" in their declaration due to their current conditions. Women were not being granted rights in either the public and private sectors, so they felt they needed to add "women" to the famous words of the Declaration to show that they deserve these rights.
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In entering upon the great work before us, we anticipate no small amount of misconception, misrepresentation, and ridicule; but we shall use every instrumentality within our power to effect our object.
This section is the greatest difference I noticed from the actual Declaration of Independence. Stanton and the writers of the Declaration of Sentiments deliberately state that they will be judged and ridiculed for making this document. However, they will continue to protest and fight for their rights anyway. This is their "all in" moment.
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I strongly believe that the right towhine is key to achieving a fairer society; that our society will serveeveryone better if more people—and not fewer—have a say in thedecision-making processes that shape their communities and thelives of the people around them.
Vanessa Bee's claim goes hand-in-hand with Danielle Allen's stance on equality in her book, Our Declaration. Through our ability to complain and argue about political issues, we all have a stake in the remodeling process of our great nation.
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Presenting “booing” and “voting” as mutually exclusive also seemsto imply that political dissatisfaction should only be expressedthrough voting, not through other, informal modes of complaint.
I agree with this claim the author makes. Our foundational principle of freedom allows all citizens to speak their mind about the nation's issues. After all, if the colonists didn't complain to King George about their lack of representation in Parliament, we would not be here right now. While I think we have an obligation to vote, I believe that we have the ability to "boo" in other ways as well.
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- Jan 2019
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Then Jefferson talks about markets where “MEN,” which he capitalizes, are bought and sold. In other words, he is calling the slaves “men.” And when he does this, he can’t mean males only, because those markets were for men, women, and children. So when, in the second sentence, he writes that all men are created equal, he must mean all people—whatever their color, sex, age, or status
Allen uses Thomas Jefferson's capitalization of the word "MEN" in the rough draft of the Declaration to prove that it is a living document that represents and is applicable to all of us. This initial capitalization of the word reveals to us that Jefferson was speaking on behalf of all the men, women and children of the colonies when writing that "all men are created equal"
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It’s not just half-full glasses of water that a speaker will describe one way or another; everything she describes, every situation she recounts, every explanation she gives for her action will reveal her worldview to some degree. Even dissemblers, who positively wish to deceive, are often given away by the fact that their words say more than they can reasonably control.
Allen describes how a speaker's personal perspective can be seen through the use of their language. We must be aware of our officials use of language so that we can understand a situation or issue from their viewpoint.
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An honest phrase meant to liberate and to establish a principle of equality as entailing freedom from domination (“separate and equal”) was reborn instead as a deceitful phrase (“separate but equal”) used to subjugate and dominate across generations
This line shows us the true power of language. Our words can be utilized to form something great and unite people, like the Declaration of Independence does. However, language can also be used as a means to oppress an entire group of people. We as citizens must make sure we are using language in a positive and constructive manner.
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In his memoir Night, Elie Wiesel, the Nobel Peace Prize winner and Holocaust survivor, writes about how the inhabitants of the little town of Sighet treated the one man who kept telling them what was coming as a fool. He was a modern-day Cassandra, pouring out the truth but considered mad. What he described seemed to make sense only outside sanity’s tree-ringed grove. As a consequence, none of the villagers escaped while escape was still possible.
I think Allen's usage of this passage is key to her argument about citizenship. We must always be asking questions and must evaluate the decisions of our political leaders to ensure we are on the right path as a nation. This passage also shows us that if we choose to not participate as members of society, it could lead to some serious and harmful consequences.
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Do we not all need, at some level, to understand what it means to be part of a democratic polity?
I believe we take citizenship for granted in this country. We need more people to truly engage in our government and fully embrace our roles as citizens.
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he Declaration mainly as an event, an episode in the dramatic unfolding of the American Revolution. But it makes a cogent philosophical case for political equality, a case that democratic citizens desperately need to understand.
Allen argues that even though the Declaration of Independence marks a historical time in American history, its case for political equality continues to persist today. Allen's reason for writing this book, as she articulates later on in this section, is to show people that this document applies to everyone.
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language
The way we convey our message can make all the difference. I believe the Declaration of Independence is such an influential document because of the way it is written. Language determines the impact our argument has.
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It is out of an egalitarian commitment that a people grows—a people that is capable of protecting us all collectively, and each of us individually, from domination.
As human beings, we can never be truly free if a group of people is valued or considered above us. In this line, Allen expresses her idea that the principles freedom and equality can coincide with one another.
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