ne reason for ETA’s limited impact, despite the horrific scale and widepublic impact of its killing sprees, was that most Basques identified neitherwith its means nor with its end

This did not prevent ETA from assassinating Franco’sPrime Minister (Admiral Luis Carrero Blanco) in Madrid on December 20th1973, or killing twelve civilians in a bomb attack in the capital nine monthslater. Nor did the execution of five ETA gunmen in September 1975, shortlybefore Franco’s death, have any moderating impact upon the group’sactivities.

verything distinctively Basque was aggressively repressed throughoutthe Franco years: language, customs, politics.

The Basque country of northern Spain had always been a particular target ofFranco’s ire: partly because of its identification with the Republican cause inthe Spanish Civil War, partly because the Basques’ longstanding demand tobe recognized as different ran counter to the deepest centralizing instinctsand self-ascribed, state-preserving role of the Spanish officer corps

The WestGerman movement, despite its impressive size, also failed to secure a firmenough base in public opinion and in the SPD itself, as well as provingunable to make inroads on the Free Democrats or Christian Democrat

A USInformation Agency survey of the November 1983 demonstrations againstcruise found that half of the protesters in Italy and Belgium were underthirty-five, as were around two-thirds of protesters in The Netherlands andBritain and over four-fifths in West Germany

If movement activists and supporters are broken down into age groups, thereis a good deal of evidence that young people predominated.

Most local people welcomed the base for economic reasons, sosympathy for campaigners was limited

y alsoadopted the symbols of the previous nuclear disarmament movement, forexample commemorating Hiroshima. Many disarmers took up the tradition ofnon-violent direct action at bases or military centres; the numbers were muchlarger than in the 1960s and styles of protest more varied

Catholic intellectual deeply committed to the Polish-German dialogue,Kazimierz Wóycicki, recalls his own experience in an internment camp atthis time

‘In spite of everything,’ wrote the Polish bishops, ‘in spite of this situationburdened almost hopelessly by the past, or rather just because of thissituation ... we cry out to you: let us try to forget! No polemics, no moreCold War. ...’

t one point even considering thepossibility of declaring a state of war, which would have facilitated

On 24 January 1969,under the onslaught of joint worker and student protest, the Francogovernment, for the first time since the end of the Civil War, declared a stateof emergency for the entire country.

Nonetheless, workers (and students) assembled at various locationsthroughout Madrid, boycotting all public transportation for that day

working-class opposition, combined withprotest movements by allied social forces, including notably universitystudents, underwent an important intensification which, for all practicalpurposes, only declined a few years after the restoration of democracy inSpain in the wake of Franco’s death in November 1975

For one thing, the CCOO as such, especially in Asturias, only began to getorganized in the wake of the strikes when the dictatorship resorted onceagain to the tried and tested mechanism of vicious reprisals, for hundreds ofminers were dismissed, many of them jailed or sent into internal exile toremote corners of Spain, soon after the conclusion of the work stoppage

On someoccasions, Spanish migrant workers seeking employment in other WesternEuropean states may have been responsible for introducing this specifictactic into labour struggles hundreds if not thousands of kilometres furthernorth.

Workers at a given mine or factory gathered in ageneral assembly and freely elected their own leadership. Where such opendisplays of central challenges to the company management and indeed to thenormal functioning of the dictatorial state were not feasible or advisable,certain individuals, benefiting from the confidence of their workmates basedon daily interaction over many years, were designated rather than chosen inan open vote.

has not kept pace with the rising costs of running and developingthe services, with the result that schools, hospitals and housing are in crisis

By their own lights, the movements of 1968 everywhere failed.

he state’s response hardened, with massarrests of 826 in April, and 1,314 in September.

uding theNotting Hill Free School, the Anti-University, Indica Gallery, the Arts Lab,Apple, the Electric Cinema, the Macrobiotic Restaurant, a series of clubs,and a mosaic of ‘happenings’ and festival

n the elections of 23–30 June, the ruling coalition easily won. The FifthRepublic’s electoral system helped (Gaullists took 60 percent of seats on 40percent of the vote), but the Left’s demoralization was no match for anti-Communist rhetorics of order. The PCF lost 39 seats; the Socialists lost 61;the PSU’s 3 seats were gone. The government returned with 358 seats out of485. Young people under 21, the active bearers of the May events, wereexcluded from the vote

Aware that nobroader antigovernment challenge could happen without them, the CGTreluctantly combined with the other unions in a one-day protest strike on 13May, when eight hundred thousand workers marched in a massive validationof the students’ actions.

o one escaped the frenzy: professors, tourists,nurses, medical personnel, or pregnant women. Misogyny and xenophobiaran rampant. By dawn, barricades were cleared, and 180 vehiclessmouldered. There were a thousand recorded injuries and 468 arrests. On theradio, Cohn-Bendit called for a general strike

Tuesday–Wednesday saw large peaceful marches of 30,000–50,000 people,followed on Thursday by intensive debate.

he students’ reactive anger had taken police unawares. Television andnewspaper images of police brutality stunned the wider public. Outrage atpolice behavior propelled student militancy beyond expectations.

The CRS were leading the fight. They even charged into the halls ofapartment houses, invaded several hotels and came out with youngpeople whom they beat up while the public booed ... The policereaction reached its climax when the order was given to ‘cleareverything.’ Blackjacks held high, the CRS attacked, hitting with alltheir might in all directions. Old women were caught in the generalturmoil. A passing motorist shouted his indignation. CRS swoopeddown on his car and tried to pull him out of it, hitting him while hewas still seate

The Fifth Republic hadbarely surmounted the political ravages of the Algerian War, between theviolent divisiveness of its foundation in 1958 and an abortive military coupin 1961

Student movements discarded conventional politics in favour of direct actionand the streets. Student radicals ignored parliaments and electedrepresentatives, behaving in passionate and unruly ways and looking foragency and meaning beyond the confines of the ‘system.’

At this point commences the granddiaspora of the Italian student movement, in search of the forces necessary toexert influence over far wider circles, an extension of its range of actionsrendered indispensable by the centrality of the question of power relationsand the confrontation with the state

To cite Paul Goossens once again: ‘Almosteveryone present in Leuven at that time came from Catholic high schoolsand had experienced at least eighteen years of Catholic upbringing. Therewere people present who, at this particular moment, settled their accountswith that past and who shouted words which, earlier on, they had barelybeen permitted to think.’ ‘With this revolt Flanders, which had thus far livedin fright of Rome and Mechelen, lost its fear of the bishop’s crozier

Up to this moment, most Dutch-speaking Belgians had regarded the CatholicChurch – rock solid in the Flemish half, but weak and far more powerless inthe Walloon portion of the Belgian state – as part of the Flemish communityand supportive of that community’s social and political concerns

6 Wales followed a similar architectural pattern toEnglan

.32 Bute, by contrast, had no such financiconstraints. Reputedly the richest man in the world, with much of h£300,000 annual income deriving from ground rents and minerroyalties from the Cardiff Castle estate in south Wales, which hgreat-grandfather had acquired through marriage in 1766, Bute wauniquely well endowed to indulge an uninhibited passion for thMiddle Ag

emais, Lloyd tried to profit from his historicknowledge by seeking to recover estates formerly belonging to thlordship on the grounds that they were rightly his by virtue of hposition as a March

The Stuarts ... belonged essentially to the conquering Norman race ... not so theWallaces, whose three Scotch generations could not so utterly have obliterated allsympathy with the Cambrian cradle of their family, but that the savage injusticeand cruelty of the Plantagenet conquest of Wales ... must have struck them withpeculiar horror and indignation ... The Wallaces had found shelter from Englishbondage in Scotland ... when they found [they were liable to come under Englishmasters there as well] they determined to resist for themselves to the uttermost oftheir power

here were also echoesof the Old Testament, where a vineyard is the usual image for the people of God, and, perhapseven more poignantly, the Gospel of St. John, where Christ speaks of himself as the true vine,and his disciples as

here was another project shared between Bute and Burges, that was perhaps even dearer toBute's hea

Nothing about Bute suggests he had much taste for personal grandeur; it was the pleasure ofworking on the designing and building of his projects that impelled him. He once famouslyremarked that he had 'comparativly little interest in a thing after it is finished. 163 He wasdeeply and personally involved in all his projects. Burges was more of a collaborator than anemployee, others awaited his visits, ideas and judgements with a mixture of pleasure andtrepidation. 64 Bute was also extremely price-consciou

it was a part of his dislike of the wreck of old and beautiful

The rest is by no means satisfactory and has been thevictim of every barbarism since the Renaissance

considering these three courses there is no doubt at all, that in any age otherthan the present the last mentioned one is that which would most certainly havebeen adopted in as much as it is the most suited to the circumstances of the case;for we must never lose sight of the fact that Cardiff Castle is not an antiquarianruin but the seat of the Marquess of Bute

n 1865, Bute had met one of the most original architects of the Victorian period, WilliamBurges.37 Both men were passionately interested in history. Bute had fallen in love with theGothic style before his ninth birthday, the style in which Burges invariably built. It is notclear if they first met because Burges had already been asked to prepare a report on restoringCardiff Castle, or if he was asked to make the report following a chance encounter

Cardiff Castlehadlong been an inconveniently crampedhousefor a nobleman,or, indeed, any well-to-do man.It was simply too small for entertaining. The secondMarquesshad found it so himself, andthe first had rarely usedit at all

f ... as seems ... likely this conversion or perversion is the result of priestlyinfluences acting upon a weak, ductile and naturally superstitious mind, we mayexpect the continual eclipse of all intellectual vigour; for these influences willnever leave the Marquis but darken and darken around him as long as he lives.The Roman Church knows well how to treat such cases and how to use them forher own advantage

t would be his day of freedom, the day, also,when he would not be able to shelter behind his promises given to delay his choice of a Church

It is well illustrated byhis difficulty earlier that year in trying to present a stained glass window to Cumnock parishchurch. The Presbyterians took a strict view of the Second Commandment which forbad

herever he went, Bute found the destruction of irreplaceable remains and ruins, and he wasincensed. One of the six circular Churches known had been pulled down in 1829. He travelledthe greater part of a day to view a broch standing in a manse glebe. It had been reduced fromits original 50 feet high to provide the stone for building walls around the fields.

n hot climates, Bute slept naked, and he was much amused by Mr Bistani who 'took offnothing except his outer clothes, not even his stockings.176 Perhaps what struck Bute most inthe palace, however, were the courtyards and rooms open to the air either above or througharches. The amazing mixture of room and open air fascinated him. The 'most perfectapartment' was the on

e was,however, still dwelling on his wrongs, and especially upon his financial wrongs. Bute wasgenerous with his charities, and surrounded by sons of some of the richer British families. Theold wrong which he felt had been done him by Stuart was still very real t

This is not surprising, as English establishment attitudes, severely alienated from Scotland ahundred years before during the Jacobite rebellions, and only slowly thawing under the wavesof the picturesque mediaevalism let loose by Sir Walter Scott and fashionable 'Balmorality'promoted by Victoria, still had little sympathy for the independent rights of the Scottishpeople, or understanding of the profoundly different culture which they cherished

Sophia had edited her father's journals and her sister's poems. Now she assisted her son tostart a small newspaper. The Mount Stuart Weekly Journal was begun at the end of 1858 to4convey to our absent friends some knowledge of how we are occupied' in which it succeedsnow as then. Bute was the editor, and he copied the whole out in his own hand, and as a goodeditor should, he solicited contributions from all the talented associates he could find.Occasionally, however, he was force

From the moonlight drive to the ferry at Folkestone, it was an enchanted time forthe young Bute, so much so that themes from it were to haunt his adulthood.

Lady Bute fought back with vigour. Determined to have her own home, and with the southWales trustees on her side, Lord James was forced to leave Cardiff Castle in the summer of1849.61

Lord Bute naturally wanted to take his son to Cardiff, the town he had created. Lady Sophiathought he intended to spend the whole spring there

ohn DavieS4 gives afascinating account of how Lord Bute created a thriving industrial complex out of this formeragricultural land. The city of Cardiff was largely of his making, springing up around the dockshe built; and he blazed the way in the creation of new collierie

Bute appearsmore as a modemiser

There was also the question of Bute's Catholicism. There were many aristocratic Catholicconverts in the nineteenth century and they married into the old Catholic families, as Butehimself did. Yet Bute was extraordinary amongst them. His faith spilled over into hispatronage of the arts, and into his scholarship: indeed his faith, his scholarship and his art fedone other

ther types of literature about housing were aimed at more specific readerships: for builders and artisans there were pattern books for both exteriors and interiors; guides and manuals for everything from bricklaying and plastering to plumbing and painting; and lavishly illustrated trade journals and catalogues. The catalogues are particularly fascinating, showing the different types of cornices, tiles, fenders, warming stoves, gas-fittings and so on (the list is endless) available, sometimes with information about their histor

At the top end were the works of A. W. Pugin and John Ruskin. The future architect William Burges's whole path in life seems to have been set when he received a copy of Pugin's Contrasts (1836) for his fourteenth birthday. He was also greatly inspired by Ruskin: "No man's works contain more valuable information than Mr Ruskin's," he was to write in the 1860s — although he warned sharply then against adopting superficial features from them (Brooks 197)

erhaps the most important point of all about the Gothic Revival was that it allowed architects to experiment. In housing as in church-building: "Architectural design, freed from the tyrannies of symmetry demanded by Neoclassicism, could blossom in the altogether more free climate of Gothic" (Curl 17-18).

Tower House in Kensington (1870) by William Burges. With its stout conical tower, this is similar in style to his Castel Coch in Cardiff, which is often compared to a German schloss, though his primary inspiration was undoubtedly French Gothi

An earlier, more thickset "muscular" Gothic style, with Irish and Scottish features, was adopted by William White for the Right Hon. Fitzwilliam Hume Dick at Humewood, in County Wicklow, N. Ireland (1867). This was in the decade specifically associated with "Muscularity" (Durant 177).

G. E. Street, in Brick and Marble in the Middle Ages (1855), particularly castigated the British for eschewing colour: "Our buildings are, in nine cases out of ten, cold, colourless, insipid, academical studies, and our people have no conception of the necessity of obtaining rich colour, and no sufficient love for it when successfully obtained," he complained (399-400)

uch hugely impressive buildings were bound to be influential, the more so because their owners often built Gothic lodges and other cottages on their estates, and even in the outlying villages. T

n addition, it has been seenthat when concrete and steel are used together, they can successfully cross wide openings and createwide openings on the facade of the structure. As a result of this, glass panels of various sizes installedon façades of structures led to a great change in architecture field.

ne of the most importantdevelopments affected the use of architectural materials are the innovations in the production of ironand steel materials.

In 1865, at Cardiff Castle in Wales, he began to interpret medieval architecture with merry and decorative freedom. The interiors of this building and of Castell Coch, built 10 years later, are a riot of decoration.

But Gothic was to be most widely used—and even exploited—for church architecture, not because it was thought more appropriate than Classical architecture but rather because it was cheaper

It was Christian, he went on, because of itshistory, but still more because it communicated the purpose of the building in its architecture

Strikingly, by 1849 even the evangelical, Nonconformist Eclectic Reviewwas signing up to the symbolic supremacy of neo-medievalism. ‘In studying Gothic,’ it declared, ‘we studyarchitecture in the fullest development of its most essential primary conditions of being

y way of BasilJones, later Bishop of St David’

It is evident in the inuential Coleridgeannotion of a Gothic church as ‘petried religion’

In short, the rst generation of Victorians articulated a new conception ofarchitecture as a sort of text.

n other words, what helped to sustain and promote ecclesiastical Gothic revivalism was asmuch a historical as a theological argument; a debate about time as well as faith. In an age of historicism, itcould hardly be otherwise

What mattered was when he said it

ignicantly, Gothic styles were oftenpreferred for these new churches: partly because they were believed to be inexpensive; partly, as the Builder’sMagazine had suggested, because they were believed to be typologically appropriate; but—above all—becausethey enabled established churches to articulate a sense of continuity and thus assert their claims to be thenational church.

Thus, although it is nowimpossible to argue that the Gothic Revival of the nineteenth century completely replaced one style withanother, it is possible to argue that a Gothic revival of the nineteenth century helped change conceptions ofecclesiastical architecture most profoundly

Instead of seeing neo-medievalism as an essentially Anglican or Roman Catholic affair, they have pointed to the importance of adistinctive ‘Dissenting Gothic’.

arlyle’s hope, as he describes it in Past and Present, was thatchivalric customs would be replicated in the modern industrial world to become ‘chivalry of work’: duty andobligation would become implanted in the soul of each worker

issenting buildings and worship are described in Watts’ volumes,mentioned above (pp. 361, 367), and in a variety of essays by ClydeBinfield: in addition to the chapter on ‘Dissenting Gothic’ in So Downto Prayers (Dent, 1977),

onconformists,likeeveryoneelse,succumbedtothelureofGothicarchitecture,delightinginitsdignity,drama, andintricatedetail.Newchapelswerebuilt withsoaringspires,ingeniousturrets,and pointedwindows.GothicchapelsbecameasdominantafeatureoftownscapesasGothicchurches,townhalls,and railwaystation

he Victorian church-building boom was facilitated by technolog-ical advances which permitted the use of a wide range of buildingmaterials. Brick was cheap and accessible, well-suited to the intricatedetail of complex Gothic designs. Glazed tiles were available for floorsand wrought-iron for screens. At the end of the century some missionchurches were even built out of corrugated iron. The art of makingstained-glass windows was revived and many churches acquired newwindows.

t is notsurprising that people wishing to refurbish their churches adoptedthe dominant style of the day.

his is remarkable since many Anglicans did notshare the high-church assumptions which lay behind them. However,they did approve of Gothic architecture. In an age that was fascinatedby the medieval past there was widespread support for the recon-struction of churches in a medieval styl

Ecclesiological principles dominated Anglican church architecturein Victoria’s reign.

sworshippersenteredaGothic churchtheireyesweredrawnautomaticallytothealtar,accordingtohigh-churchprinciplesthefocalpointofChristian worship.

Heaven-pointing’spireshadautilitarianpurposeofalert-ingpeopletotheexistenceofaplaceofworshipbuttheyalsoremindedChristiansof theirultimatedestiny.

ugin converted to Catholicism but he exercised a powerful in-fluence on Anglican church architecture, partly because his aspira-tions coincided with those of the high-church Ecclesiological Society,which was founded in the early years of Victoria’s reign.

. W. N. Pugin, one of the most influential church archi-tects of the day, condemned the use of a ‘pagan’ design for Christianworship, apparently failing to realise that his predecessors favouredthe ‘basilica style’ because it had been used by early Christians

Thisarrangementdid notnecessarilyreflectalackofrespectforthealtar,ascriticsassumed

n the years before Victoria came to the throne there was very littlesymbolism or ceremony in Anglican services.

ractarians and ritualists fostered a new understanding of the sig-nificance of communion, reflected in the adoption of the term ‘eu-charist’, meaning thanksgiving. Earlier generations of Anglicans hadtended to refer to ‘the Sacrament of the Lord’s Supper’, but Victorianhigh-churchmen disliked this title with its allusion to the last supperwhich Jesus shared with his disciples, since it implied that commu-nion was primarily an act of remembrance.

Antec

With industrialization however, andespecially with early nineteenth-century immigration from Ireland,Catholic numbers increased, and for the first time since theReformation the Mass began to be celebrated in such places asNewport (1809), Merthyr Tydfil (1824), Cardiff (1825) and in thenorth, Bangor (1827), Wrexham (1828) and Caernarfon. By 1838,nine years after the passing of the Catholic Emancipation Act, therewere approximately 6,250 Catholics in Wales, mostly in the dockareas of Swansea, Cardiff and Newport but also in the iron-producing capital of Merthyr Tydfil and in Wrexh

ewly aware of their statuswithin the apostolic succession, Jesus College ordinands returnedhome intent on enacting Tractarian principles within their parishes.In all, by 1890 the Welsh Church was in good heart

, it would not be until the 1870s that the WelshChurch would regain significant ground lost to a vibrant, popularDissent

he policy of appointing Englishmen to Welsh sees persisted,though it was among a section of the native clergy, yr hen offeiriadllengar (‘the old literary parsons’), that the Welsh cultural renaissanceof the early nineteenth century found its focus. Walter Davies(‘Gwallter Mechain’), John Jenkins (‘Ifor Ceri’), W. J. Rees, ofCascob in Radnorshire, and Thomas Price (‘Carnhuanawc’) werevital in re-establishing the eisteddfod movement and in preservingWelsh-language scholarshi

Despite Mann’s warnings, competitive campaigns of church building markedthe decades after , as nonconformist churches were built and rebuilt in aphysical demonstration of the arrival to social power and influence of the pre-viously excluded dissenters, and the establishment retaliated. Together theyasserted the presence of religious authority in the urban landscape. Grand non-conformist chapels were the ‘spiritual expressions of men who had . . . moulded. . . their towns’, who built villas, banks, warehouses, town halls, YMCAs an

Nevertheless, some, like the Black Country towns and the Welsh industrialtowns of Wrexham and Llanelli stood well above them – local factors, such asevangelistic blitzes on the exploited workforces of the Black Country, couldaffect regional pattern

A frequent alteration was to replace the longitudinal, east-west axis o f the rectangularplan o f a Gothic building by an emphasis on the short, north-south axis, by placing anelaborate pulpit in the middle o f the north wall and orientating the fixed seating to focusupon it, as in the Dordrecht church illustrated in figure 3.5. The Gothic chevet o f theformerly Roman Catholic church was either filled with seating or largely ignored, thefixed altar removed. Examples o f churches where this took place include Tzum,Buitenpost, and Huizinge.133 Larger buildings were sometimes subdivided or partsdemolished to create suitably centralised plans. On the exterior. Gothic stone mullionedlancet windows might be removed and replaced by Classicising round-headed windows,made in wood and painted white. The change demonstrated the replacement o f medievalRoman Catholicism by the Classicism o f the Early Church, representing modern,reformed Protestant Calvinism that could be recognised and understood without anyknowledge o f architectural theor

The mechanism o f the transfer o f architectural ideas from the rural vernacular to chapelsgiven by Jones is that the experience o f early congregations o f meeting in bams andcottages, either because of persecution or lack o f funds to build a chapel, later influencedthe form o f their chapels when they came to build them.

ostly in the ancient churches inthe rural areas, whilst Nonconformity could accommodate 73.8% o f the population.25This was a pattern that was repeated, though not to such an extreme, in other areas whererapid industrialisation had led to urbanisation in previously sparsely populated areas,rendering inadequate the provision o f Anglican parish churches. This reasoning has beenused to support the theory that it was the lack o f provision by the Anglican Church thatlead to a rapid increase in the increase in the numbers o f Dissenters. Again, this serves tocriticise the Anglican Church whilst emphasising the differences between it and Dissentand Nonconformity.

his seems all the more surprising when it is understood that each individualbuilding was funded by local initiative

able-ended chapels form the majority of chapels overall andare more readily associated with the urban development that took place in Wales duringthe nineteenth century

to have insisted dogmatically that only medieval architecture was trulyChristian

Sundays of theChurch, translations of English hymns, and, especially English Tractarian ones, and it also gavean impetus to Evangelical Anglicans to look to the past and to translate some of the glories of theearly Christian Church into Welsh

Many Welsh Tractarian hymn-writers did not emphasise or even mention suchextreme doctrines.

he distinction between shadows andsubstance is reminiscent of some verses from Morris Williams's Y Flwyddyn Eglwysig, in whichhe accused the Nonconformists of forsaking the substance for the shadow, for observing a merecommemoration at the Holy Communion, rather than believing that Christ isreally present. R.I.Jones regarded the Holy Communion, not as a commemoration, but as asymbol of the feast that believers would partake of in Heave

The reviewer complained that Hymnau Hen a Newydd was teaching the doctrines ofTractarianism to the Welsh people, and he accused the north Welsh of teaching these 'medievalnotions' to the rest of Wales

The reviewer pointed to the fact that most of he Welsh Tractarians came from thenorth, and he castigated them.

he title was reminiscentof Hymns, Ancient and Modern, which had appeared in 1861, and, under its editor, Sir HenryWilliams Baker, had been a product of the Oxford Movement. It was used extensively in Welshchurch

Theideas expressed in this poem about one faith and one baptism, and the fact that the Christianswent to heaven through the sacrament of Baptism obtained through the Church, were expressedin 1833, before the Oxford Movement had been heard of in Wales,and strongly imply that, atleast, in some parts of Wales, the soil was ready for the implanting of Tractarian ideas.

Sentiments that the Church was the only gateway to Heaven were expressed time and again byTractarians

As J.H.Williams has written, 'the Oxford Movement restored some of the ancient treasures ofLatin hymnology, and the influence of this new departure in Welsh hymnology was wider in itseffects than might be expecte

ractarian themes were being propounded in poetry at this time, although limited in number andquality, and many of them were in Welsh. of Such themes were also to be found in Welshhymns. The revival churchmanship and a sense that God was present in his Church led to a revoltagainst the use of secular metres and tunes in church services

he old dearabbey! Your appearance is second only to a putrefied corpse, in a dark grave. The Creeds andPaternoster are no longer sung, at Matins or Evensong; the Ave is not sung, nor chants by localchildren. In the chancel, there is heard no chant but the wind mocking the music that had beenplayed there befor

he GothicRevival in architecture was part of this flight into the past, and so was Romanticism in poetryand pros

He exemplified the Romanticelement in the Oxford Movement - of the flight to the past in protest against modernity, themodernity of industrialisation and urbanisation, and of the religion of Thomas Arnold,R.D.Hampden and the German Biblical critics

praised the lay societies at a meeting of the Dyffryn Clwyd Church Society in 1853, when heargued that lay and clerics were now waking up to their responsibilities and duties. The Churchwas being revived, and one way this could be demonstrated was by looking at the number ofchurches being built or restored

But it was clear from its inception, that Baner y Groes was to be a Catholic journal

The Movement even had its own Welsh-language journal, Baner y Groes, a short-livedpublication, which lasted from 1855 to 1858.This contained articles, poems, essays and reportson the Oxford Movement in Wales and on the principles of the Movement

The leaders of theTractarian clergy in Wales were some of the most patriotic Welshmen, who helped to defend andpromote the language

he movement and its ideas did take firm root in parts of Wales, and these ideas werespread through sermons and pamphlets, poems, hymns and catechisms

The revival of French interest in Les Primitifs, pre-Raphaelite painters such as Fra Angelico and Rogier Van der Weyden, gave further credence to the idea ofmonk-artists as pure, as selessly devoting their artistic or scholarly talents to God. Such ideals appealed toreligious and non-religious alike and contributed to the formation of many nineteenth-century ‘artisticbrotherhoods’ (like the Pre-Raphaelites in England, the Rose+Croix and the Nabis in France), which promotedidealized variations of medieval monastic traditions as an antidote to the corrupt modern world.

This can be seen in the work of John Henry Newman, a leader in the Oxford Movement, whocorresponded with French priests and reected upon the French situation in the years leading to his verypublic conversion to Catholicism, and in the French-inuenced writing of Gerard Manley Hopkins

n France, ‘the eldest daughter of the Church’, medieval religious architecture played a particularly fraught rolein a post-Revolutionary culture in which the Civil Constitution of the Clergy (1790) had made the CatholicChurch subservient to the French Stat

Despite a passion for private medieval home decorating in late nineteenth-century France, there was lesspublic building of neo-Gothic architecture in France than in nineteenth-century Britain

an imagined theatrical notion of the medieval, as did HoraceWalpole at Strawberry Hill, Loti constructed the room out of salvaged fragments from medieval churches andspent at least six months studying cultural practices of the year 1470

Much late nineteenth-century literary and artistic medievalism thus descends directly from the Romanticmovement’s fascination with the spectacular aspects of the Middle Ages: exotic historical settings, braveknights, colourful costumes, and love stories, but towards the end of the century curiosity about the MiddleAges was increasingly based on historical document

istorical novels written by women and set in the medieval past had ourished in France from theRevolutionary period. Examples include Sophie Cottin’s 1802 Mathilde, about Richard-the-Lionheart’s sisterand her experiences following him on crusade, and Marie-Adèle Barthélemy-Hadot’s 1822 Les Brigands anglaisou la bataille de Hastings

Victor Hugo is a critical gure for the reception of the Middle Ages in France and Britain: he wrote poems,essays, and novels in defence of medieval architecture and participated on the Comité des arts et desmonuments, but perhaps even more importantly he was one of the rst and most vocal French supporters ofmedievalism, of the creative possibilities the Middle Ages could offer contemporaries

The experience of Morris and Burne-Jones illustrates the remarkable advances made with regard to the publicaccessibility of medieval art and architecture by the 1850

here were many French architectsinvolved in French restorations during this period, but Viollet-le-Duc would become the most internationallyvisible gure not only because of his tremendous dynamism as a restorer and organizer of exhibits for World’sFairs, but especially because of the debates surrounding his published theories on restoration, whichculminated in the highly inuential ten-volume Dictionnaire raisonné de l’architecture française du XIe au XVIesiècle (Paris: Bance et Morel, 1851–68), the six-volume Dictionnaire raisonné du mobilier français de l’époquecarolingienne à la Renaissance (Paris: Gründ et Maguet, 1858–70), and the Entretiens sur l’architecture (1863).

ugo, for example,described Romanesque style as ‘stagnant’ and ‘oppressive’ in his 1831 novel Notre-Dame de Paris, thusassociating it with ecclesiastical oppression and injustice; he saw its demise as a positive evolution toward theGothic style’s ‘freedom of expression

The reection on the past encouraged by this museum profoundly inuenced visitors from all over Europe;they took the picturesque arrangements of salvaged medieval monuments they saw there as an invitation toimagine life in the Middle Ages

the French and English travelled back and forth across the EnglishChannel (La Manche

n sum, the phenomenon of medievalism in nineteenth-century Germany cannot be truly understood, if onedoes not keep in mind that Germany was not a cohesive political structure until 1871. And although the MiddleAges signied for many a supposed time of national and confessional unity and was certainly inspirational tomany creative artists in nineteenth-century Germany as elsewhere, their main ‘purpose’ was to help create aviable, political, and social entity out of a myriad of disparate kingdoms, duchies, and cities united not only bylanguage but also by common purpose

As important as the stress on political continuity was alsothe assertion that the Gothic architectural style of the cathedral was uniquely ‘German’.

And indeed there was something which would fulll theseconditions—or so it was hoped: the unnished cathedral at Cologn

To emphasize the unity of past and present the participants at the Wartburg dressedin what they considered to be Germanic costumes, and thus the festival came to symbolize the political,cultural, and religious purity of the Germans.

ccording to Herder (Briefe zu Beförderung der Humanität, 1793), language is the meansby which a nation is formed. A native language encompasses the traditions and the ‘genius’ of a people, evenso-called uncultivated peoples. There is nothing more precious, for in the native language is everything thatsignies a particular people.

hat was the beginning of Europe; the laying of the cultural, social, religious, and, to acertain extent, political foundations upon which later ages would build

discord and conicts which it would bring about were not far off, events that wouldforever change Europe and shut the door, at least temporarily, on the Middle Ages.

WHETHER viewed as the ‘Dark Ages’ or the time of Camelot, the Western European medieval period hascontinued to be an object of fascination well into the modern era.

his was due in part to the encouragement givenby competitions at eisteddfodau and literary societies, which offered prizes for poems and prose works onmedieval heroes and events such as Llywelyn the Last (d. 1282) or Henry Tudor’s victory at Bosworth, bothsubjects at the Llangollen eisteddfod of 1858

For an excellent overview, see Martin Crampin, ʻArtistic Engagements with Medieval Decorative Arts in Wales: Recording,Interpretation and Inventionʼ (Ph.D. thesis, University of Wales, 2016), 44–60

ut on a much more smaller scale and only from the 1890s

elebration of the medieval Welsh past served, not as a justication for political self-determination, but rather as a vindication of Wales’s honourable place in a union with England or Great Britain(even if that might involve a measure of home rule

The Catholicism of medieval Wales could also causediscomfort among both Anglican and Nonconformist writers

Likewise, albeit on a much smaller scale, attempts to revive Roman Catholicism in Walesclaimed early Welsh saints and other aspects of the medieval Welsh Christian heritage

In Wales, a version of this had been developed by sixteenth-century Protestant churchmen, who argued that the Reformation had restored the early British or WelshChurch, an idea that continued to be promoted by Anglicans in the Victorian period

William Rees’s Lives of the Cambro-British Saints (1853

s Rice Rees declared in 1836: ‘So numerous are the Welsh saints, that their history is in a manner theecclesiastical history of their time’

which built on ideas elaborated in the early modern period (with medieval antecedents,especially in the Irish case), was the portrayal of the two countries’ early ecclesiastical history as an age ofsaints

urthermore, Edward Williams (Iolo Morganwg; 1747–1826) had promoted primitivistideas by arguing that the Welsh bards

Yet the ensuing subjection to Englandwas made palatable, rst, by the accession of the partly Welsh Henry VII to the English throne in 1485 and,second, by Henry VIII’s Acts of Union (1536–43), which not only gave the Welsh the same legal rights as theEnglish but providentially opened the way for the Protestant Reformation.

he closest Wales came to the latter cities in the early and mid-Victorian period was Swansea, with its RoyalInstitution of South Wales,

Damning verdicts onthe Welsh language and Nonconformist religion in reports on education in Wales, popularly known as the ‘BlueBooks’ (1847), helped to mobilize a politically committed Nonconformity, aimed at ending Anglican dominancethrough the disestablishment in Wales of the Church of England: moves for greater political self-determinationwere limited to calls towards the end of the century for Welsh home rule by the ultimately abortive Cymru Fyddor Young Wales movement within the Liberal Party.910111213p. 21814151

Huw Pryce, J. E. Lloyd and the Creation of Welsh History: Renewing a Nationʼs Past (Cardi: University of Wales Press, 2011),85, 87–91

wo main phases of cultural endeavour have also been identied in Wales, bothof which included a signicant engagement with the Middle Ages. The early Victorian period witnessed thecontinuation by patriotic Anglicans of efforts, begun in the second decade of the nineteenth century, to reviveWelsh culture through Cambrian societies and provincial eisteddfodau as well as the formation of the WelshManuscript Society (1837) and Cambrian Archaeological Association (1847). However, in the second half of thecentury, as part of a wider shift in Welsh society, Nonconformists became more prominent in the eisteddfodmovement and other cultural spheres; moreover, a self-conscious sense of national revival, focused above all oneducation, became increasingly palpable from the 1870s and further stimulated interest in the nation’s earlyand medieval origin

Welsh medievalism is a relatively underexplored eld’

In plain language, structure as symbol; design ascommunication.

lmost single-handedly, he re-established “High VictorianDecorative Art’ as a category worthy of scholarly stud

Any government which manoeuvres to block therecovery of other countries cannot expect help from u

Our policy isdirected not against any country or doctrine but against hunger, poverty,desperation, and chaos

REPORT FROM BRITAIN BY JACKIE COOPER ( aka PEOPLE FROM BRITAIN ) reel 2 (1951

ROME, May 1-Millions of workers gathered peacefully today in the cities and towns of Italy to celebrate the May Day "feast of labor."

n discussions within our own circles and among the wider German public, we must proceed from the fact that the Social Market Economy, after a phrase in which it expressed itself in the economic reconstruction of our country, in an undreamt-of push in the direction of a higher standard of living, and in the improvement of social conditions, is now entering into a second phase

Its situation is determined by the fact that the speed of our progress in all areas of production, which technology has accelerated beyond comparison, and a mass society that is both mobilized and threatened by this development, are pressing for a balance within the framework of a free world.

he state of tension and conflict in our society is of course subject to change over time and requires that the respective strategic formulas for this irenic balance be continually sought anew so that they are up to their task.

From 1951 to 1961 West Germany’s gross national product (GNP) rose by 8 percent per year—double the rate for Britain and the United States and nearly double that of France—and exports trebled.

This was theargument that the extremely poor European harvest of 1947 was a majorcause of Europe's growing deficit on dollar trade and of Europe's hunger, andthus of the alleged economic crisis and of the U.S.government's decision toinitiate the aid program. Kindleberger insists that this earlier view is correct,arguing that agricultural bureaucrats would have been aware of the poorharvest in advance and would have purchased large imports in the summer of1947.17

h u t Borchardt and Christoph Buchheim in a different counterfactualapproach explore the impact of dollar imports on the West German textileindustry in the Marshall Plan period. They argue that in this case Marshallaid was indeed crucial to recovery, not so much because the imports wouldnot otherwise have been obtained but because of the confidence which itgave to entrepreneurs to acquire stocks and to commit themselves to longproduction runs.16

“a serious crisis in productionthat would have come with the collapse of critical dollar imports” and that“signs of this were apparent early in 1947” @. 431). What signs? He offers

The outcome of this calculation was that the West European countries,again with the exception of France and the Netherlands, would have beenable to obtain the same supply of capital goods and vehicles from the dollarzone as they did under Marshall aid and within the same period of time

I therefore constructed a second counterfactualin which, had therebeen no Marshall aid, the same European countries would still have had thedollar/gold resources to obtain half the value of their total dollar importsduring the Marshall Plan period

This, of course, would be compatible withHogan's argument that the Marshall Plan was the vehicle through whichAmerican diplomacy expressed support for the new political consensus inWestern Europe after the wa

This boom was sustained even in the face of rapidly worseninginternational payments balances in 1947 in several countries, notably inItaly, the Netherlands, and the United Kingdom

he Keynesian reply from the ECA andsome, not all, European governments, that providing aid for otherwiseunpurchasable imports from the United States would increase productivityby increasing output and thus enhancing economies of scale became part ofthe ideology of the Marshall Plan and of the 1950

on a multilateral international trade-and-paymentssystem to beeventually brought into operation

his conclusions proven?With what Hogan has to say about the relationship of the ECA and ofAmerican policies under the Marshall Plan to the trends in postwar politicsthere can be no quarrel. Other scholars working independently on moredetailed areas have also demonstrated that what the Marshall Plan supportedin Western Europe was the politico-economic stance which was soon to becalled “Keynesian”;a conscious effort to regulate the level of demand in theeconomy by fiscal adjustments, supplementary countercyclical policies tomaintain high and stable levels of employment, the pursuit of higher levelsof welfare both as a good in themselves and as a way of sustaining demand,and, the aspect on which Hogan lays the greatest emphasis, a corporatistassociation of government and industry in the pursuit of what was thoughtto be the common welfar

He concludes alsothat although the contribution of American capital to West Europeaneconomic recovery was only marginal, this was, nevertheless as Schuker hadearlier argued, the “crucial margin” that made recovery possible

To my knowledge there are no relevant archival materials theauthor has left unexplored in the United States and the United Kingdom andhe has used them w

but also to deter the rise to power ofcommunist parties sympathetic to the Soviet Union.

The American historian Michael J. Hogan contends that Marshall Aid was crucialto both the economic and political stability of the continent in the late 1940s.

Since full employment could not be achieved by relying onmarket forces and the simple balance between supply and demand as suggestedby classical economists, Keynes concluded that public investment and expenditure

o proclaim a viable alternative to the market economy in theirpolitical manifestos

From the outset, the governments of the EC memb

fter the collapse of the Third Reich, Germany experienced a brief but intensive phase of religious renewal and an accompanying turn toward Christianity. In West Germany, the Catholic Church played an important public role in the immediate postwar period because it seemed to have been less corrupted by National Socialism than other religious and cultural entities. This photo shows Cardinal Joseph Wendel celebrating a pontifical mass on Marienplatz in Munich. Photo by Felicitas Timpe

Musician Udo Lindenberg describes the electrifying impact that Elvis’s music had on him the first time he heard it on the radio. For Lindenberg, then a teenager, it was an introduction to the still unfamiliar rhythms of rock ’n’ roll music. This was the beginning of an infatuation that would eventually lead him to a career as one of West Germany’s leading pop stars

Against the backdrop of the “zero-hou

g people who refused t

With the outbreak of the Korean War in June of 1950, security, and yet more disputed rearmament, became the dominant theme of domestic politics in the Federal Republic. Taken in Bonn, this photograph shows various posters in support of the planned European Defense Community (EDC), under which all member states' militaries would be integrated, lessening fears about an independent German military. It

For strategic reasons, Adenauer’s CDU ran an election campaign that linked the anti-Communist SPD to Communism by alluding to its Marxist tradition

4. We aim to promote foreign trade by all possible means. We support the Marshall Plan (European Recovery Program

Performance-based competition must be secured by law. Monopolies and holders of economic power must be subject to an institutionally based, independent control authority that answers only to the law. 2. We aim for legal measures that foster genuine responsibility in the business community. 3. Legal measures must be implemented to ensure stricter reporting requirements, particularly for incorporated companies.

he “social market economy” is the socially anchored law for the industrial economy, according to which the achievements of free and able individuals are integrated into a system that produces the highest level of economic benefit and social justice for all.

We call upon all who profess allegiance with us and who share our determination to rebuild the country. Trusting fully in God, we aim to create a bright future for our children and grandchildren.