Spellman's decision to release 1,800 Haitian detainees from fourteen detention camps, the popular media were rife with reports of the spread of a deadly new disease

rayed as ragged, wretched, and pathetic and were said to be illiterate, super- stitious, disease-ridden and backward peasants. They became visible scapegoats for the failure of U.S. capitalism

These refugees were not welcomed in the United States

decreasing agricultural productivity and what seemed to Haitians to be irreversible immiseration.

because of their triple minority status as black, foreign, and French- and Creole-speaking"

erved to focus early debate about AIDS-related discrimination on the nation's abun- dant homophobia

Neither public health nor clinical medicine pay sufficient attention to what does improve health - escaping from poverty, access to good food, clean water, sanitation, shelter, education and preventative care.

Public health systems are underfunded; politically they attract few votes, and in parts of the world they are close to collapse.

Outside of the rich world there have been major successes in immunisation against childhood diseases, although large numbers of children are still not reached and they die.

In the rich world preventable diseases are generally prevented.

Prior to the emergence of HIV/AIDS, the last global epidemic had been influenza in 1918-19, so long ago that there was little ‘institutional memory’ of global epidemics.

By the end of the nineteenth century the principles of disease transmission were generally known in Europe.

The role of disease in human history has been charted by a number of authors: initially by McNeil (1976) and most recently by Diamond (1999).

Documentation

these populations fell ill faster and diseases were more virulent.

Definitions

Some historians have argued that consequent labour scarcity led to technical, social and religious innovation, and ultimately to capitalism.

4 million people

Bubonic plague,

HIV/AIDS shows up global inequalities. Its presence and impacts are felt most profoundly in poor countries and communities.

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HOW DID THE APM RESEARCH LAB OBTAIN THE DATA?

FOCUS ON WHITE AMERICANS

FOCUS ON PACIFIC ISLANDER AMERICANS

Nationwide, Latinos are 3.0 times more likely to have died than Whites, when age is taken into account.

FOCUS ON LATINO AMERICANS

FOCUS ON INDIGENOUS AMERICANS

consider that the median age of non-Hispanic White Americans is 44 years, according to the latest Census Bureau data. The comparable figure for all populations of color is considerably lower—for Asians (37), Blacks (34), Pacific Islanders (33), Indigenous (32) and especially Latinos (30), half of whom have not yet reached their 30th birthday.

FOCUS ON BLACK AMERICANS

FOCUS ON ASIAN AMERICANS

CUMULATIVE MORTALITY RATES

What does this mean? It indicates that many younger Americans who are Black, Latino, Indigenous or Pacific Islanders are dying of COVID-19—driving their mortality rates far above White Americans’.

Indigenous people also rise to 3.2 times as high (the highest rate)

Latinos’ rate rises the most following age-adjustment, revealing that the virus is impacting Latinos far more than would be expected based on their youhtful age profile.

age.

Adjusting the racial data we’ve collected for age differences increases the COVID-19 mortality rate for all racial and ethnic groups except for Whites, who experience a decrease,

So, to remove the role of age differences from COVID-19 mortality rates, we have also produced age-adjusted rates.

A higher share of White Americans are in the older age brackets than any other group.

age-adjusted rates

ates

groups:

Our latest update reveals that Black and Indigenous Americans continue to suffer the greatest loss of life—with both groups now experiencing a COVID-19 death toll exceeding 1 in 1,000 nationally.

see this monitoring as a necessary exercise, a workout, a tuning up of my subjectivi-ty to get it into shape.

Other subjective I's may be un-covered when I begin to write, but these are the six of which I have taken note to date.

This particular subjective I softens one's judgment; the others distort in a certain direction.

Nonresearch Human I

Pedagogical-Meliorist I

Justice-Seeking I

E-Pluribus-Unum I

Community-Mainten-ance I.

In this victory of subjec-tivity over reason, I risked undermin-ing the integrity of the nonjudgmental persona I had constructed to ensure teacher comfort with me in their class-rooms.

I come neither to judge whether they teach well or poorly, nor to make them better than they are. I go to great lengths to establish who I am not, so that my behavior can reinforce daily who I am.

I sensed that many would pay a high price at the hands of uninspired teachers.

I knew my sentiments would somehow figure in my writing; I knew, therefore, that I would need to · take account of them. Although feelings of distress helped focus my inquiry6-a positive outcome-they could make me defensive in a way that would not facilitate my analysis and understand-ing of denigration

This denigration stems primarily from the fact that Riverview is the only town in its part of a very large county that allowed black people to find housing and live there. Blacks now live else-where in the county, but until quite re-cently they were concentrated in River-view.

I asked about cross-group social interac-tions. They were a reality. To be sure, black students hung around with other black students,

my Jewish I,

Ethnic-Main-tenance

I

I had first discovered my attachment to community and concern for its survival. Two tables of farmers sat everyday in Mansfield's only restaurant.

Thus, I could perceive the school through one set of meanings while fail-ing to give credence to the meanings of people whose concerns direct them to-ward assimilation.

The distorting hazard of my Ethnic-Maintenance I is that, in valuing the behavior of those who chose to per-petuate their ethnic identity, I may ig~ nore the lives of those who chose not to.

"situational subjec-tivity."

t (a) the Ethnic-Maintenance I; (b) the Com-munity-Maintenance I; (c) the E-Pluribus-Unum I; (d) the Justice-Seek-ing l; (e) the Pedagogical-Meiiorist I; and (f) the Nonresearch Human 1.5

I preferred to record my sensations as I was experiencing them, a matter of personal taste, as is so much of field-work procedure.

I looked for the warm and the cool spots, the emer-gence of positive and negative feelings, the experiences I wanted more of or wanted to avoid

Yet I found that I was not addressing community and school at Bethany in the strong, positive terms I had easily found to describe Mansfield.

What I realized was this: Mansfield, the village site of previous research, was no more nurturant as a communi-ty than was the community I studied at Bethany.

God's Choice: The Total World of a Fun-damentalis

Tokenization is a superficial gesture of inclusion; it is “the practice of including one or a few members of a minority in a group, without their having authority or power equal to that of the other group members. It functions to place a burden on an individual to represent all others like [them].”

This has taken, and in many cases continues to take the form of violence through forced sterilization, cultural theft, residential schools, the 60’s scoop, intergenerational trauma, cultural appropriation, land dispossession, and environmental racism and destruction

Such narratives and material practices are linked to tl1at which predates them, including the "tough on crime" narrative deployed in the 1980s, and the more-recenr"fough on.terror" rhetoric.

"It's clear that since September 11th there's a heightensd focus on detention, both on the borders and in the U.S .... What we are seeing is an increased scrutiny of tightening up the borders .... More people are going to ger caught.

54 [ Walia .kind of criminal or illegal act.

all around, and creeping self righteous, let's say it, fascism, how else to say, border, and the militant consumption of everything, the encampment of the airport, the eagerness to be all the same, to mince biographies to some exact phrases, some exact and toxic genealogy

This isn't a separate world. Globalization isn't a separate world. I'm using words like 'First World' [ and] 'Third World' as easy ways into chis argument, but they're a lie-there is one world and there is one economic system. And that eco-nomic system is dominated by Europe, the United States and Japan. This economic system is creating these huge dis-placements of people, it's rampaging through the world.

Border imperialism again denies justice to migrants who are its own casualties

ecological crisis

Forced to endure grinding poverty and stigmatization, displaced people make up the mass in urban slums and low-income neigh-borhoods.

ndigenous peoples

The state maintains an economic infrastructure for capital flows, including stock exchanges, tax regulations, and banking systems. The state also creates the political and legal framework that protects private property, enables

The state, along with its forms of governance including through border imperial-ism, is evolving to continue to meet the needs of capitalist expansion through more flexible means of governance and accumulation.

capitalist modes of production explicitly require conquest, enslavement, and the dispos-session of communities from the lands on which they subsist.

. Production wirhin capitalism is disconnected from human need, collective creativity, and the natural world-

Migration is glo-balisation from below. If the 'overdeveloped' world refuses to trade with the underdeveloped world on fair terms, to forgive debt, to extend loans, to lift trade barriers against food and basic manufactured goods, then there can only be an increase in the flow of people.

at least 60 to 70 percent of undocumented women migrants who cross the border experience sexual abuse.

The transnational circulation of capital and the disruption and deprivation it causes, in mrn, generates the transnational circulation of labor.

over 80 percent of the world's refugees reside in neighboring countries within the global South.

Border imperialism, then, represents the extension and imposi-tion ofWestern rule

hen it comes at a time that benefits other people, suddenly those kids become the apple of everyone’s eye,” she said. “I won’t allow people to use my schoolchildren as pawns.”

My biggest concern is that we’re going to lose these kids,” he said. “They might never come back.”

But the headline took off.

“The disruption of learning can have lifetime effects on students’ income and health,” they wrote.

An enlightened nation is always most tenacious of its rights

With the shift to remote instruction, he felt a “loss of purpose,” he said. “All the gratifying, purpose-driven reward benefits of being a teacher were stripped.”

Now they were behind closed doors, and so were we, with full license to turn inward. While we dutifully stayed home to flatten the curve, children like Shemar were invisible.

I have chosen to tell the story of Shemar’s remote-learning difficulties,

The following Sunday,

biggest challenge

The biggest challenge was not technological. No one made sure that Shemar logged on to his daily class or completed the assignments that were piling up in his Google Classroom account

It was a familiar situation for her: so often, when she made an effort on her son’s behalf, it foundered quickly in a bureaucratic dead end.

the company admitted that it had 31 confirmed cases – although UFW says the real number of infections around that time was closer to 76.

Workers said management held a meeting when the pandemic first took off, warning them not to travel or put themselves at higher risk for infection, but gave out little other information

From the beginning of the pandemic, advocacy groups expressed concern for the safety of essential food workers

In the eight counties of the San Joaquin Valley, a 27,000-square-mile area of 4.3 million residents, coronavirus cases are at 1,900 per 100,000 residents. In comparison, the San Francisco Bay Area, with 7.7 million residents in 7,000 square miles, has 770 cases per 100,000 residents.

You can appear to contain the spread among middle-class workers but when it reaches those workers who are furthest on the margins, who are most disadvantaged, the virus is going to spread

as their companies made excuses for why coworker after coworker stopped showing up for their shifts.

On whatever front we work for food system change, we are called to stay conscious of the inseparability of sustainability and justice

work on many fronts: organizing workers and communities, political campaigning, lobbying lawmakers, research and education, along with the central, core work of growing, distributing, and preparing food—just to name a few!

Workers

We need everyone at the table

coalition

provide a captive market for the highly processed and refined products of industrial agriculture. T

environmental services

Institutional racism

practices.

This

doesn’t produce enough nutritious food or distribute it equitably

intensive use of pesticides, herbicides, and fertilizers

Grown-ups fought too, stressed from working hard yet never having enough bill money or gas money or food money or day-care money.

Rather than waiting for comforting answers to every potential harm ahead of us, let’s run. And continue to organize, imagine, and transform this country toward freedom and justice without police and violence. Let’s run.

Police abolition triggers similar anxieties today—moral, economic, and otherwise.

More important, society must spend money and time reducing the root causes of violence.

Communities can demand hiring and budget freezes, budget cuts, and participatory budgeting opportunities to ensure that police will not be refunded in the future.

creating small networks of support for different types of emergencies can make us safer than we are now, and reduce our reliance on police.

After excessive force, sexual misconduct is the second-most-common complaint against cops.

“What will we do with murderers and rapists?” Which ones? The police kill more than a thousand people every year, and assault hundreds of thousands more.

Still, many Americans believe that most police officers do the right thing. Perhaps there are bad apples. But even the best apples surveil, arrest, and detain millions of people every year whose primary “crime” is that they are poor or homeless, or have a disability.

It’s also the power to remain silent in the face of racial inequity. It’s the power to weigh the need for protest or confrontation against the discomfort or inconvenience of speaking up. It’s getting to choose when and where you want to take a stand. It’s knowing that you and your humanity are safe.

only 46 percent of white people say that they benefit “a great deal” or “a fair amount” from advantages that society does not offer to black people.

Wealth inequity contributes to the “power of the benefit of the doubt”

“having greater access to power and resources than people of color [in the same situation] do,” then what is more exemplary than the access to wealth, the access to neighborhoods and the access to the power to segregate cities, deny loans and perpetuate these systems?

Who keeps it going

That rain populates the earth, giving some areas more access to life and resources than others. The evaporation is white privilege—an invisible phenomenon that is both a result of the rain and the reason it keeps going

These powers would not exist if systemic racism hadn’t come first. And systemic racism cannot endure unless those powers still hold sway.

The “power of normal” and the “power of the benefit of the doubt” are not just subconscious byproducts of past discrimination. They are the purposeful results of racism—an ouroboros of sorts—that allow for the constant re-creation of inequality. 

Researchers documented more than 1,500 attempts. The results: 72 percent of white people were allowed to stay on the bus. Only 36 percent of black people were extended the same kindness.

Those who survive instances of racial profiling—be they subtle or violent—do not escape unaffected. They often suffer from post-traumatic stress disorder, and this trauma

But it’s a privilege often not granted to people of color—with dire consequences.

they are more often humanized and granted the benefit of the doubt.

The grocery store stocking a variety of food options that reflect the cultural traditions of most white people.

These subtle versions of white privilege are often used as a comfortable, easy entry point for people who might push back against the concept. That is why they remain so popular.

Having the ability to maintain that power dynamic, in itself, was a white privilege, and it endures.

But in order to grasp what this means, it’s also important to consider how the definition of white privilege has changed over time.

Instead, white privilege should be viewed as a built-in advantage, separate from one’s level of income or effort.

This defensiveness derails the conversation, which means, unfortunately, that defining white privilege must often begin with defining what it’s not.

silence.

Colonialism, slavery and Jim Crow laws were all sold with junk science and propaganda

became a tool for justifying the cruel treatment and discrimination of non-white people

Basically, racial bias is a belief. Racism is what happens when that belief translates into action

bias, which is a conscious or unconscious prejudice against an individual or group based on their identity. 

Systemic racism happens when these structures or processes are carried out by groups with power, such as governments, businesses or schools.

“individual- and group-level processes and structures that are implicated in the reproduction of racial inequality.”

Having white privilege and recognizing it is not racist. But white privilege exists because of historic, enduring racism and biases

the main displays of shampoo and panty hose were catered toward your hair type and skin tone. It was being able to turn on the television and see people of your race widely represented. It was being able to move through life without being racially profiled or unfairly stereotyped.

For many, white privilege was an invisible force that white people needed to recognize

Everything is going to start to change,

his is a huge moment to expand consciousness around our own community, to recognize the contradiction of what kind of power do we and don’t we have in this country, that despite our size, we don’t even have basic needs me

Many liberal Latino activists have been pushing for huge changes in policing for years, particularly in large urban centers.

“Historically we’ve tended to aspire to the American dream, to aspire to whiteness,”

At a time when Mr. Trump has made his anti-immigrant language and policies a centerpiece of his administration,

Even the term “brown” can oversimplify matters, given that it is often used to describe people from multiple continents and different cultures, whose skin color can range from ivory to sienna

, there remains a lack of fundamental knowledge about Latino history, which can make it difficult to discuss how social policies have been harmful

The fear and anger has been especially acute in the era ofPresidentTrump, who five years ago announced his candidacy by calling Mexicans rapists and criminals.

thousands of young Latinos have shown up to Black Lives Matter protests in recent weeks. Sometimes, they speak only quietly about their own concerns of anti-Latino racism.

Right now it is imperative for non-Black Latino communities to both empathize with Black people and also recognize that it is in our material interest to fundamentally change policing in this country,”

They are also taking place ahead of an election in which Latinos are expected to be thelargestnonwhitevoting bloc

“We are made to feel unwelcome here no matter what we’ve done or how long we’ve been here,”

And while Latinos want people to understand how systemic racism in education, housing and wealth affects them, they are also grappling with an entrenched assumption that racism is a black-and-white issue, which can make it challenging to gain a foothold in the national conversation.

For some, there is also a history of anti-Black racism in their own community to contend with, and a lack of inclusion of Afro-Latinos, who make up25percentofLatinosintheUnitedStates.

“Black and brown” has been a catchphrase in Democratic politics and progressive activist circles for years, envisioning the two minority groups as a coalition with both electoral power and an array of shared concerns about pay equity, criminal justice, access to health care and other issues.

Confronting people is only one of many ways we can use our ordinary privilege. Instead, we can ask questions, raise issues, and add perspectives that are not organically emerging in discussions at work.

Third, look for opportunities to speak and act

If a white male manager hired someone who looked like him (or someone who did not), it had no impact either way on his performance ratings

have the power to speak up on behalf of those without it, and have particularly effective influence when they do

Ordinary privilege is ordinary because it blends in with the norms and people around us, and thus, is easily forgotten.

America, if you are white or Christian or able-bodied or straight or English-speaking, these particular identities are easy to forget.