Deluded. People who are living under the delusion that their work is separate from their identity and experience are generally people who are benefiting from enormous amounts of structural privilege.

Work comes out of life. Where else would your work come out of, if not your experience? Being a queer woman is the air that I breathe, and it’s inescapable, and it’s going to be part of the work.

she’s Kafka with a paintbrush, mindful of the nightmares of history and partial to somber, social-realist colors (muddy browns and greens) that hark back to Depression-era art. It is perhaps relevant that her German-Jewish grandparents fled their homeland in 1937, refugees of the Holocaust.

“I use wealth as a platform. I’m analyzing it, usurping it, playing with it, the way I would with blackness, the way I would with skin, the way I would do with stories. I think some people thought I was disregarding the work and suffering of black people. It’s not disrespect. I just don’t want to be an artist who only depicts black pain.

Right now she’s deep into making drawings of the final chapter of a fictional trilogy she has written about two Nigerian families. One is an ancient noble clan, the other more recently enriched by trade and vineyards. The families have been joined by marriage between the two principal male heirs, Jideofor and Temitope.

The gay, newlywed heirs—there’s irony here, since in Nigeria homosexuality is illegal—slouch with untucked shirts and open collars.

Following the Greek philosophical ideal that the male body was perfectly mathematically proportional and therefore more beautiful and aesthetically pleasing than that of women were Renaissance artists, including Leonardo Da Vinci and Michelangelo, as can be seen from sonnets like the one previously examined.

This translates to an examination of the period’s alleged homoeroticism, as the classification of males as the more perfect sex “allowed homoerotic love to take on a certain legitimacy as the noblest, most intellectual, and sanctified love of all.”

platonic partnership and connection was encouraged in order for men to “further each others interests in the world of work and business.

in which he depicts the traditionally bearded prophet as a naked young boy whose nudity is sexualized by the long feather that caresses his leg

The Renaissance’s lack of modern notions of homosexuality is an unsurprising yet interesting one, for while the Renaissance was certainly renowned for its emergence of a questioning self-awareness, modern notions of individual identity seem to generally postdate the Renaissance

Run-ins with the law because of homosexual encounters were less to do with preference and more to do with urges.

While difficult to fully understand why these divides in opinion may have been present during the Renaissance, the speculated reasons that may be examined can help one to better understand the ways in which same-sex practices were viewed in Renaissance society.

For reasons difficult to determine, the contradictory social reality was that a relative tolerance for homosexual activity allowed homoerotic imagery to pervade Renaissance art, public and private

If a mind is not open to the practices present within an unfamiliar culture or time period, its examination will be clouded in crude judgement and unnecessary expectation, causing discussion to be too narrow and therefore limiting what may be discovered.

Thus, rather than projecting modern ideals onto societies of the past and stretching to analyze artistic works in a modern context, it is more useful to examine why such pieces look homoerotic to modern eyes, as well as how these pieces were interpreted and accepted in a society that generally denounced homosexuality

most of Michelangelo’s works focused on the aesthetics accompanying the ideal form of the male figure, which has allowed them to be perceived as glimpses into Michelangelo’s sexual preferences. The same fascination with male physique applies to Renaissance man Leonardo Da Vinci.

It is also true that marriage was viewed as something that hindered the expressive freedom of a great artist such as Michelangelo, and so it is likely untrue that he particularly mourned his lack of a wife or child inside or outside of his artistic works and processes

The understanding of preceding eras is often clouded by modern ideals and perspectives, creating conclusions that have no factual substance, allowing confusion to encompass learning.

Therefore, the goal when examining the role homosexual identity may have played in certain preceding eras should not be to uncover some universal truth on which historians can all agree, but to thrive in the interest these discrepancies stir up, and use the similarities and differences that we may find to better understand human sexuality in this day and age

In fact, within the studies of human sexuality and art throughout history, a unity in historian ideas or opinions is usually not an accomplishment of consensus within the field, rather a reflection of the paucity of evidence of homosexual culture at historian disposal

Therefore, by examining the lives of Italian Renaissance artists and their works, a deeper understanding of the period’s perceptions of homosexuality and their influences on Renaissance culture may be achieved.

He also objects to the thought that the painting could be sold and make Ms. Schutz, whose work is highly sought after, a significant amount of money.

Ms. Schutz, who first exhibited the painting last year in a gallery in Berlin,

a mockery

The protest has found traction on Twitter, where some commenters have called for destruction of the painting and others have focused on what they view as an ill-conceived attempt by Ms. Schutz to aestheticize an atrocity.

“contemporary art is a fundamentally white supremacist institution despite all our nice friends.”

news articles

The Dominican authorities must

International human rights law prohibits discrimination on the ground of nationality

to people born since 1929

Under the Constitution, children of irregular migrants born in the Dominican Republic whose parents were irregular migrants no longer had the automatic right to Dominican nationality.

nationalist groups started to promote a restrictive interpretation of “in transit” and as a result many civil registry officers started denying the children of undocumented Haitian migrants their right to birth registration

These changes in migration patterns started to be used by some nationalist groups to stoke a fear of a “peaceful invasion” of Haitians. In recent decades, the widespread use of such rhetoric, steeped in discriminatory views, has dominated public and political debate about Haitian immigration. O

The impact could be truly catastrophic

All my dreams have been broken,” said Bida, a baseball player who needed those documents to enroll in a baseball academy.

the Dominican Republic has very deep roots of violent racism against Dominican-Haitians and Haitians.

Once the plan is created and the electoral commission turns in its list, it will take no more than two years for legalization

Getting Haitian citizenship can be complicated too because it is difficult to comply with requirements to prove descent from a Haitian national.

there are nearly 210,000 Dominican-born people of Haitian descent and roughly another 34,000 born to parents of another nationality.

Officials promised to create a path to Dominican citizenship, but gave no details about how it would work or who would be covered.

One issue that is of major concern to us and that we have begun to publicly address is racism in the white women's movement.

The inclusiveness of our politics makes us concerned with any situation that impinges upon the lives of women, Third World and working people. We are of course particularly committed to working on those struggles in which race, sex, and class are simultaneous factors in oppression.

n the fall, when some members returned, we experienced several months of comparative inactivity and internal disagreements

The material conditions of most Black women would hardly lead them to upset both economic and sexual arrangements that seem to represent some stability in their lives. Many Black women have a good understanding of both sexism and racism, but because of the everyday constrictions of their lives, cannot risk struggling against them both.

Feminism is, nevertheless, very threatening to the majority of Black people because it calls into question some of the most basic assumptions about our existence, i.e., that sex should be a determinant of power relationships.

We do not have racial, sexual, heterosexual, or class privilege to rely upon, nor do we have even the minimal access to resources and power that groups who possess anyone of these types of privilege have.

The major source of difficulty in our political work is that we are not just trying to fight oppression on one front or even two, but instead to address a whole range of oppressions.

A political contribution which we feel we have already made is the expansion of the feminist principle that the personal is political.

We are not convinced, however, that a socialist revolution that is not also a feminist and anti-racist revolution will guarantee our liberation

We realize that the liberation of all oppressed peoples necessitates the destruction of the political-economic systems of capitalism and imperialism as well as patriarchy.

we feel solidarity with progressive Black men and do not advocate the fractionalization that white women who are separatists demand.

We reject pedestals, queenhood, and walking ten paces behind. To be recognized as human, levelly human, is enough.

We believe that the most profound and potentially most radical politics come directly out of our own identity, as opposed to working to end somebody else's oppression.

Above all else, Our politics initially sprang from the shared belief that Black women are inherently valuable, that our liberation is a necessity not as an adjunct to somebody else's may because of our need as human persons for autonomy.

Our development must also be tied to the contemporary economic and political position of Black people.

Black feminist politics also have an obvious connection to movements for Black liberation, particularly those of the 1960s and I970s. Many of us were active in those movements (Civil Rights, Black nationalism, the Black Panthers), and all of our lives

outside reactionary forces and racism and elitism within the movement itself have served to obscure our participation.

Black women have always embodied, if only in their physical manifestation, an adversary stance to white male rule and have actively resisted its inroads upon them and their communities in both dramatic and subtle ways.

People want to see their own tribe as exceptional, as something to be deeply proud of; that’s what the tribal instinct is all about. For decades now, nonwhites in the United States have been encouraged to indulge their tribal instincts in just this way, but, at least publicly, American whites have not.

to feel solidarity and take pride in their racial or ethnic identity, white Americans have for the last several decades been told they must never, ever do so.

For decades, the Right has claimed to be a bastion of individualism, a place where those who rejected the divisive identity politics of the Left found a home.

Transgressions are called out daily on social media; no one is immune.

Although inclusivity is presumably still the ultimate goal, the contemporary Left is pointedly exclusionary.

Once identity politics gains momentum, it inevitably subdivides, giving rise to ever-proliferating group identities demanding recognition.

For much of the Left today, anyone who speaks in favor of group blindness is on the other side, indifferent to or even guilty of oppression. For some, especially on college campuses, anyone who doesn’t swallow the anti-oppression orthodoxy hook, line, and sinker – anyone who doesn’t acknowledge “white supremacy” in America – is a racist.

The stubborn persistence of racial inequality in the wake of Barack Obama’s supposedly “post-racial” presidency has left many young progressives disillusioned with the narratives of racial progress that were popular among liberals just a few years ago.

For today’s Left, blindness to group identity is the ultimate sin, because it masks the reality of group hierarchies and oppression in America.

A decade and a half later, we are very far from Obama’s America.

This – combined with record levels of inequality – is why we now see identity politics on both sides of the political spectrum.

When groups feel threatened, they retreat into tribalism.

the coming demographic shift has done little to allay minority concerns about discrimination

We cannot be certain that any given IAT can diagnose an individual. At this stage in its development, it is preferable to use the IAT mainly as an educational tool to develop awareness of implicit preferences and stereotypes. For example, using the IAT to choose jurors is not ethical. In contrast, it might be appropriate to use the IAT to teach jurors about the possibility of unintended bias.

The IAT score is based on how long it takes a person, on average

In the second part of the IAT you sort words relating to the evaluation (e.g., good, bad). So if the category “good”

In the first part of the IAT you sort words relating to the concepts (e.g., fat people, thin people) into categories.

The Implicit Association Test (IAT) measures attitudes and beliefs that people may be unwilling or unable to report.