epublican sympathizers would exaggerate

Darwinian-Spencerian notion of progress which had gained wide acceptance in Europe and North America.

race mixture.

sickly imbecile called Prudente de Morais.

"steadfast in their political ideas. "21

"Death lists"

who hated him.

Police invaded private homes to break up peaceful monarchist meetings and were ordered to obstruct public rallies.

212 CANUOOS IN THE NATIONAL CONTEXT archism. The Jacobin wing, which sought radical restructuring of the polit-ical system along nationalist lines, led the invective, using the anti-monarchist cause as a battering ram against the still-fragile republican ad-ministration. The last minute conversion of Empire-era politicians to republicanism in the wake of the 1889 military coup yielded a divided republican movement, and in many ways, lent new energy to monarchists, who after the fall of the Dom Pedro II enjoyed more vitality, although in limited circles, than before the promulgation of the Republic itself. Before the 1889 coup, defenders of the status quo felt no compulsion to defend monarchy as a political system. Under the hated Republic, monarchists mobilized their efforts to turn back the clock. 12 Unresolved strains accompanying (and surviving) the fall of the Braganc;a dynasty in 1889 and the imposition of military rule under the regime of Marshal Deodoro da Fonseca (1889-1891) and his politically ruthless suc-cessor, Marshal Floriano Peixoto (1891-1894), not only fueled monarchist sentiment across Brazil but led to vengeful acts of repression against mon-archists, who were labelled traitors. As early as the 1870s, republicans berated the Imperial regime, referring to Pedro II as "Pedro Banana" and blaming the monarchy for national backwardness. Republicans reviled not only the monarch, but the fierce centralizing policies of the monarchy, particularly with regard to how they stifled local autonomy. The president allied himself with radical urban nationalists, the Jacobins. This was a powerful source of unrest, standing in sharp contrast to Brazil's tradition of minimizing political stridency. The early years of the Republic witnessed one traumatic confrontation after another. There was a brutal civil war in the far south in Rio Grande do Sul, which ended only in 1895; Admiral Cus-todio de Mela's naval rebellion in Rio de Janeiro in 1893; and, beginning in the same year, the unstructured "secession" of Canudos, allegedly held to be part of a centrally-directed plot financed by monarchist restorationists. Republican politicians were especially concerned that they not give the impression that they were, in the words of Sao Paulo governor Campos Salles, unable to manage their own

the clock.

Jacobin wing

His community was virtually crime-free; he permitted girls and boys to study together in school; he and his advisors astutely maintained a populous com-munity in a region considered a desert by initiating successful farming and pastoral activities.

sacrifice demanded of his followers

the priests they did see were often mem

maintained families, were poorly trained, and were considered excessively permissive.

2.4 percent of Bahia's

new cemeteries.

thir-teen different parties elected state deputies to the new legislature.

Liberal and the Conservative

the Americas XLVIIl(2), October 1991, 207-222

Canudos was cele-brated as a pivotal national victory for "progress" and "civilization.

CANUDOS

Canudos in the National ContextAuthor(s): Robert M. LevineSource: The Americas, Vol. 48, No. 2 (Oct., 1991), pp. 207-222