3 and 4. Sir C. Osborne asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department (1) why 2,115 men from India and 2,096 men from Pakistan were allowed to enter Great Britain under the Commonwealth Immigrants Act, 1962, in the month of April, 1968, in view of the fact that there were over half a million permanently unemployed persons, and many more on short-time employment; and if he will now stop all further immigration until those unemployed are provided with work; 1664 (2) if he is aware that 1,321 children and 1,318 women from India, 448 children and 296 women from Jamaica, 919 children and 709 women from Pakistan entered Great Britain under the Commonwealth Immigrants Act, 1962, in the month of April, 1968, besides large numbers from other countries; and when he expects the flow of immigration to cease

I cannot say whether their attitude is representative of the young men in that area or elsewhere, but I was submitted to pretty strenuous cross-examination and pressed repeatedly to give any good reason for allowing coloured immigrants to enter this country. The question was simple: "What good do they do us? We do not want them here."

Mr. Greenwood Is my right hon. Friend aware that the site he has referred to in his answer will involve a journey of about seven miles for some of these European voluntary workers and will he bear in mind that the labour position in the cotton industry is extremely serious in this respect; and will his Department try to do better than they have done so far? § Mr. Ness Edwards This matter has been looked into by the regional committee and apparently this is the best that can be done. Our assisted travel scheme is being put into operation to assist these people to get to their employment. § Mr. Greenwood Will my right hon. Friend look once again into the possibility of using part of the R.A.F. station at Heywood for the housing of European voluntary workers? § Mr. Leslie Hale Could the Minister say what success has attended his efforts to co-ordinate the requirements of the various Ministries in connection with the housing of European voluntary workers?

10. Mr. Geoffrey Cooper asked the Minister of Labour what procedure has been adopted by his Department to enable the return to their own country of European voluntary workers who have come over here either for industrial or domestic purposes but failed to exhibit the necessary standards of workmanship or service and thereby in effect entered the country under a false description. § Mr. Ness Edwards Where it has been quite clear that a European volunteer worker would not develop into a satisfactory worker, his return to a displaced persons' camp on the Continent has been arranged. I am happy to say that there have been only 23 cases of this kind out of over 50,000 European volunteer workers brought to this country.

Mr. Lennox-Boyd Will the Minister say whether the figures will show from which countries these men and women will come? § Mr. Ness Edwards The answer as now tabulated will not show that, but if there is a desire for that information, I will give it. § Mr. Lennox-Boyd Is it not desirable that the public should know how many of these people come from countries which helped us during the war?

Apart from that, we are a nation of 48,000,000 people who have to import timber and raw materials for manufacture, and we are even probably going to be short of water as well. All that means scarcity; scarcity means controls; and controls 1097 mean an increasing bureaucracy who are not productive, bouches inutiles to feed without a corresponding ratio of production.

Institutions are not necessarily or even usually created to be socially efficient; rather they, or at least the formal rules, are created to serve the interests of those with the bargaining power to create new rules.

Even if it should be admitted that the Indians were originally an independent people, they have ceased to be so. A nation that has passed under the dominion of another, is no longer a sovereign state.i

That some time previous to the year 1756, the French government, laying a claim to the country west of the Alleghany or Appalachian mountains, on the Ohio and Mississippi rivers, and their branches, took possession of certain parts of it, with the consent of the several tribes or nations of Indians possessing and owning them;

and support to start businesses (including both financing, business training, behavioral facets, and connecting to markets).

On this account, Kenya has made great strides in providing education, but both education and skills remain low among the current stock of workers.

Thugge told Reuters in October that Kenya planned to borrow $500 million to $1 billion to buy back Eurobonds maturing next year, and was also seeking more IMF funding.

Despite some improvements in health status over the last decade, the government spends only 6% of its budget on health. A quarter of the Kenyan population regularly lack access to healthcare. A recent study estimated that nearly 2.6 million people fall into poverty or remain poor due to ill health each year.

Best sales prospects include agricultural chemicals (pesticides) and fertilizer. Kenya imports virtually all its agricultural chemicals due to lack of significant local production.

Productivity remains relatively low in all the regions due to poor incentives, and underdeveloped supporting infrastructure and institutions.

This is the case in every country, and will remain so, even in those highly civilized--for instance, France--until the Jewish question finds a solution on a political basis.

It is true that workmen are required to set machinery in motion; but for this we have men in plenty, in super-abundance.

So if she says that dreams come from animals, she’s absolutely correct — for her area. If I say dreams come from spirits, I’m correct, but only for the plains.

Indian religion is instead concerned, as sociologist Robert Bellah has noted, with “the maintenance of personal, social, and cosmic harmony, and with attaining specific goods — rain, harvest, children, health — as men have always been.”

Rather than an article of faith, it’s part of their experience.

Then, after conducting many experiments, scientists “discovered” the nitrogen cycle and produced chemical fertilizers to replace the natural nitrogen.

Personally, I like the Pacific Northwest tribes’ idea that, in the distant past, the physical world was not dominant, and you could change your shape and experience life as an animal, plant, or bird. Then the world changed, and some people were caught in different shapes and became animals, plants, and so on.

If the Indians were not the original inhabitants of this continent but relative latecomers who had barely unpacked when Columbus came knocking on the door, then they had no real claim to the land and could be swept away with impunity

The effort to deny that Indians are native to this land really started with the old Spanish clerics, who tried to identify Indians as either survivors of Noah’s flood or members of the lost tribes of Israel. So modern scientific theories are part of an entrenched line of thought: a Judeo-Christian insistence on seeing the world through Eurocentric eyes

This means that science, as it’s applied, is never really for the good of humankind, but instead for the good of the financial elite or the military.

And Indians can use this knowledge to achieve better results.

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In order to ensure prompt and effective action by the United Nations, its Members confer on the Security Council primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security, and agree that in carrying out its duties under this responsibility the Security Council acts on their behalf. In discharging these duties the Security Council shall act in accordance with the Purposes and Principles of the United Nations. The specific powers granted to the Security Council for the discharge of these duties are laid down in Chapters VI, VII, VIII, and XII. The Security Council shall submit annual and, when necessary, special reports to the General Assembly for its consideration.

Each member of the Security Council shall have one representative.

A retiring member shall not be eligible for immediate re-election.

26 Finally, it is possible that the result of suggestive lower spread of COVID-19 relative to non-protesting cities is due in part to characteristics of the protesters. For example, protest attendees may have mitigated the spread of COVID-19 via infection countermeasures such as wearing masks. The attendees may further be a selected subpopulation of younger individuals who if infected have less severe symptoms (Liao et al. 2020) and thus may never get tested and not show up in the official COVID-19 numbers.

Finally, as reported in Panel III, we do not find any evidence of differential effects on case growth across specific dimensions of the protest (violent protests, persistent protests, size of protests, or the existence of curfews)

These results are robust to widening the geographic unit of analysis to include primary and secondary counties (Panel II) and border counties (Appendix Table 4); hence, accounting for potential spillo vers over a larger spatial unit as protesters travel back home does not alter our results.

We find increases in staying-at-home behaviors across both cities with and without curfews, though effect magnitudes are expectedly larger when the city has imposed a curfew order at some point during the protest period.

In Panel I, we specifically assess treatment effects across protests which have turned violent as compared to those that have not. We generally find increases in the percent of residents staying at home full-time and time spent at home for both sets of protests, though effects are expectedly stronger when protests are accompanied by media reports of violence.

Trends between the treated and non-treated counties essentiallymo ve in lock-step, reflected in the flat differential trends over the pre-protest periods. This instills a degree of confidence that the timing of the protests is exogenous to trends in social distancing.

Because we have addit ional data on cases, we are able to estimate case effects up to 21 or more days following the day of the protest, a period well beyond the median incubation period of COVID-19 (5.1 days) (Li et al. 2020) when we would expect case divergence if there were an effect from the protest gathering (Friedson et al. 2020; Dave et al. 2020a, b, c; Courtemanche et al. 2020a, b).

SDcst= γ0 + ∑γ8𝑗𝑗=0𝑗𝑗𝑃𝑃𝑃𝑃𝑃𝑃𝑃𝑃𝑃𝑃𝑃𝑃𝑃𝑃ct𝑗𝑗 + Xctβ1 + Zstβ2 + αc+ τt+ εsc

We find that despite the intra-week variance in social distancing, there is an overall downward trend facing these measures. We see

These policies have been the subject of a growing literature that has shown meaningful increases in distancing behavior and meaningful decreases in disease infection growth rates following the enactment of shelter-in-place orders, suggesting that the strategy of social distancing (and its associated enforcement policies) have been largely successful at slowing the spread of the disease (Courtemanche et al. 2020a,b; Dave et al. 2020a,b,c; Friedson et al. 2020).

These two national movements: the fight to contain COVID-19, and the Black Lives Matter protests for reform in law enforcement and for greater social equalit y, have espoused some tactics which appear to be in direct opposition to one another.

Event-study analyses provide strong evidence that net stay-at-home behavior increasedfollowing protest onset, consistent with the hypothesis that non-protesters’ behavior was substantiallyaffected by urban protests.

An report from Oregon State University showed a temporary decline in academic performance among students who switched to a four-day schedule, particularly among minority, low-income, and special needs students. Four years after the transition, student performance in four-day schools was not significantly different from that of five-day schools.

Four-day school weeks can also pose a challenge to families who are unable to find affordable, enriching care arrangements on the fifth weekday

District administrators also claim that the appeal of a four-day work week helps recruit teachers in areas where it is consistently difficult to attract new staff.

California also enacted legislation in 2014 stipulating that any school not meeting its academic performance targets would have its authority to operate on a four-day schedule revoked.

Other states require districts to submit their four-day plans to the state education commissioner or superintendent for approval.

School calendars are dictated by states’ minimum instructional time requirements, which are in turn tied to funding formulas

This number represents more than half of the total school districts in the state, but only about 13 percent of the student population.

 Research shows that the maximum possible cost savings for districts on a four-day week is 5.43 percent, but average savings range from 0.4 to 2.5 percent.

While there have been legal challenges to the Negative Factor, Colorado courts have upheld that the legislature is following the law by increasing the base per-pupil funding amount.

Passed in 2000, Amendment 23 was designed to boost public education funding by mandating that school funding grow by inflation plus 1 percent from 2001-2011, and by the rate of inflation thereafter

The number of low-income students a district has A district’s overall enrollment

Currently, almost two-thirds of school funding in Colorado comes from the state, and just over a third from local property taxes.

There’s also some federal funding in the mix, especially for schools serving a high number of low-income students.

This statistic from Rutgers Education Law Center compares teachers to non-teachers with similar education, experience and hours worked.   Colorado is 2nd in number of novice teachers (1st or 2nd year) in the classroom (Source:  Education Week, October 2016).

1. The costs associated with K-12 education have grown at a rate faster than inflation because of additional costs related to such things as school security, mandated testing, and mandated programs for students with special needs, and because many of the typical costs related to K-12 education – such as health insurance for teachers, pensions and energy costs – grow at a rate faster than inflation.

This increased responsibility on the state has contributed to forcing the state to reduce funding for other programs such as Higher Education, in which the state has reduced its support by 50% since 2000.

(It’s worth noting that Categorical funding is NOT required to also grow at the rate of student enrollment and, since this formula was put in place in 1994 and has never been updated, it doesn’t account for the cost of the additional 300,000 students which have been added to the K-12 population since then.

Because of the adoption of Amendment 23 to the state constitution in 2000, the state is required to annually grow “Base” funding for K-12 education at the rate of student enrollment plus inflation.

Since 2010, the state has opted to contribute about $600-800 million annually in discretionary funding to K-12 to partially offset the $1.5 billion cut in previously mandated support.

With the drop in state revenue as a result of the “Great Recession” of 2008-2010, and Amendment 23’s requirement that state funding for K-12 continue to grow at the rate of student enrollment plus inflation, the legislature chose to reinterpret Amendment 23’s funding mandate to EXCLUDE the additional “factor” funding which addressed school disparity (district’s size, cost of living, personnel costs and at-risk students).

In creating the SEF, Amendment 23 diverts an amount equal to one-third of one percent of taxable income to the fund, or about 7.2% of the total revenue which the state collects through its income tax.

As a result of reduced state revenues caused by the Great Recession of 2008-10, the state reinterpreted Amendment 23 starting in 2010 so that “Factor” funding was no longer considered to be part of the Amendment 23 constitutional funding requirement.

In addition to General Funds, the state utilizes funds from the State Education Fund (which receives about 7% of the state’s income tax revenue as required by Amendment 23).

Because the Amendment 23 funding requirement for K-12 applies regardless of the state’s economic condition, K-12’s share of the state’s budget has increased during times of economic recessions in 2002 and 2008 as the state has had to reduce discretionary funding for other program areas.

The “base” represents costs for such things as salaries for teachers and administrators, staff development, technology, software, and class materials. 

By increasing funding by 1% per year for ten years, Amendment 23 proposed to return funding for K-12 to the level it was in 1988 when Colorado’s per-pupil investment was roughly equal to the national average.

At 40% of the state’s budget, K-12 education is the largest expenditure out of Colorado’s General Fund and consumes 50% of local property tax revenues.

Colorado per-pupil funding for K-12 education has declined since 1986 to the point where Colorado invests almost $2,800 LESS per K-12 student than the national average today.

“Increases in teacher wages have also been found to be associated with increased student achievement—presumably because more capable teachers are recruited and retained,” Baker writes.

“Increasing per-pupil spending by 10% in all 12 school-age years increases probability of high school graduation by 7 percentage points for all students, and by roughly 10 percentage points for non-poor children,” Baker writes.

“Right now, in many states, schools with the highest-need students receive fewer resources than those serving the most affluent, which translates to less experienced teachers, larger classes, and, ultimately, lower graduation rates and lower achievement levels,” said Linda Darling-Hammond, President and CEO of LPI.

“Money Matters,”

Education budgets in other states have, at best, barely recovered from pre-recession levels a decade ago.

Teacher pay rose by about 3% and staff-to-student ratios dipped.

Interestingly, while test scores rose and dropout rates fell almost immediately, the college enrollment effect took a while to fully appear. The effect was greatest 10 years after the referendum, suggesting there was a cumulative effect of more spending.

But there were clear test-score gains for high-poverty districts, and the effect was strongest several years after the spending increase.

An extra $1,000 in per-pupil spending raised test scores. High school dropout rates fell 2 percentage points, college enrollment jumped 9 percentage points, and college graduation rates increased 4 percentage points.

Some pricey initiatives — particularly school turnaround efforts nationally and in New York City — have fallen short of expectations. That suggests it does matter how money is spent.

The findings come as school spending is on the upswing across the country, with states continuing to rebound from the Great Recession and policymakers respond to pressure from striking teachers to invest more in schools.

Two other studies — one looking at California and another looking across seven states — found that spending more money didn’t affect test scores in more affluent areas, but did boost test scores in higher-poverty districts

Four new studies from different parts of the country have come to similar conclusions. In Texas and in Wisconsin, researchers found that spending more translated to higher test scores and boosted college enrollment.

At president there are active efforts to enact TABOR-type laws in Ohio, Wisconsin, Maine, and a number of other states.

By removing from elected officials the authority to determine the most basic of government functions--the levels of taxation and public expenditures--TABOR undermines the ability of the people to choose the representatives whom they can most trust to make complex budgetary decisions that are in their best interest

In Colorado, where voters have been asked numerous times to vote on TABOR ballot initiatives, these crucial state fiscal decisions have been made by as few as 20 percent of the state's registered voters.

The problem is exacerbated because some areas of the state budget, such as corrections, will be considered by lawmakers to be off-limits for reductions.

TABOR-type laws

Without prior knowledge of these proposals and without prompting of any kind, people in the groups would almost invariably express concern that such a law would tie the hands of decision makers in such a way that they would not be able to respond adequately to sudden crises and new needs as they arose or to emerging opportunities that would benefit the state

Perhaps most appealingly, it appears to give "the people" direct control over processes that seem irredeemably commandeered by special interests.

In 2003, Colorado's economic growth lagged behind that of the nation and of almost every surrounding state. In January 2005, the Colorado Business Leaders Confidence Index declined for the second consecutive quarter, and more than half of Colorado's business leaders now feel that the state funding situation is critical.

Public health has also suffered: Colorado's national ranking for access to prenatal care dropped sharply from twenty-third in 1990 to forty-eighth in 2004. The state is now fiftieth in on-time child immunization rates; in 1995, the vaccination rate was well above the national average.

The only escape clauses require the approval of a majority of voters in a state referendum.

a series of constitutional amendments collectively known as the Taxpayers' Bill of Rights (TABOR).

Ironically, very shortly after the Initiative proponents filed their ballot measure, the Residential Assessment Rate had to be revised downward slightly to 7.96% as a result of additional property valuation data which had been submitted late by Jefferson County; consequently, opponents of Initiative 32 could then argue that the proposed 8.0% frozen Assessment Rate was actually an INCREASE from the current rate of 7.96%, and this eroded support for the proposal.

voters’ adoption of subsequent constitutional amendments which retroactively affect the Gallagher Amendment have created unforeseen and unintended consequences

Additionally, prior to the passage of Amendment #1 in 1982 (the comprehensive property tax proposal which included the Gallagher Amendment), there was no statewide oversight to ensure that each county assessed property values in a consistent manner.

The Gallagher Amendment was part of a package of property tax changes in our state constitution which the Colorado legislature referred to voters as Amendment #1 on the 1982 ballot

Watch this short video from the Colorado Fiscal Institute for a quick explanation of how the Gallagher Amendment works!

Coloradans only pay 1/4th as much as they used to pay in property taxes on their homes due to the Gallagher Amendment to our state constitution which we adopted in 1982? The Gallagher Amendment’s forced continual decline in Colorado’s Residential property tax base has reduced local funding for services like K-12 schools and fire districts.

Universal coverage removes barriers to accessing existing primary and preventive care, and a single-payer system incentivises the expansion of preventive programmes.

The remaining $337 billion that would be required could be generated by a 5% tax on household income exceeding the standard deduction, which would yield $375 billion (appendix p 6).28Sanders B Options to finance medicare for all.https://www.sanders.senate.gov/download/options-to-finance-medicare-for-all?inline=fileDate: Sept 13, 2017Date accessed: March 27, 2019Google Scholar The $38 billion surplus could provide a contribution towards transition costs or a fund to pay for unanticipated events.

A previous analysis assumed that uninsured individuals have opted not to pay for health insurance because they are in less need of it,23Pollin R Heintz J Arno P Wicks-Lim J Ash M Economic analysis of medicare for all.https://www.peri.umass.edu/publication/item/1127-economic-analysis-of-medicare-for-allDate: Nov 30, 2018Date accessed: December 5, 2019Google Scholar which is empirically supported by the disproportionately high number of younger people who are uninsured.55Berchick ER Hood E Barnet JC Health insurance coverage in the United States: 2017.https://www.census.gov/library/publications/2018/demo/p60-264.htmlDate: Sept 12, 2018Date accessed: January 14, 2020Google Scholar However, other studies have indicated that uninsured people might be more likely to have undiagnosed comorbidities and conditions56Duron VP Monaghan SF Connolly MD et al.Undiagnosed medical comorbidities in the uninsured: a significant predictor of mortality following trauma.J Trauma Acute Care Surg. 2012; 73: 1093-1098Crossref PubMed Scopus (28) Google Scholar,  57Lopez-Gonzalez L Pickens GT Washington R Weiss AJ Characteristics of medicaid and uninsured hospitalizations, 2012.https://www.hcup-us.ahrq.gov/reports/statbriefs/sb182-Medicaid-Uninsured-Hospitalizations-2012.jspDate: Oct 1, 2014Date accessed: March 27, 2019Google Scholar that might require increased health-care resources compared with insured people.

Legislation prohibiting price negotiations for pharmaceuticals, supplies, or equipment has left the Medicare system unable to regulate prices.

For example, under the fragmented system excessive claims for physician time can be spread across patients with several different insurance providers.

Consolidation of billing into a unified system is estimated to have the potential to reduce this expenditure by $284 billion,26Woolhandler S Himmelstein DU Single-payer reform: the only way to fulfill the President's pledge of more coverage, better benefits, and lower costs.Ann Intern Med. 2017; 166: 587-588Crossref PubMed Scopus (15) Google Scholar which would be more than double the proposed change in fees.

SHIFT similarly enables the customisation of a national financing plan in which insurance premiums paid by employers and individuals would be replaced with other options, such as a payroll tax.

In 1965 Medicare was established in response to the widespread refusal of private sector companies to provide insurance for older patients (≥65 years), it has significantly and cost-effectively improved the health of older people

Specifically, we calculate that the Medicare for All Act would reduce national health-care expenditure by more than US$458 billion, corresponding to 13·1% of health-care expenditure in 2017.

The move to repeal the Affordable Care Act by the Trump administration will further jeopardise the health care of 21 million Americans.4

More than 78 million Americans do not have adequate health insurance,1Collins SR Gunja MZ Doty MM How well does health coverage protect consumers from costs? Findings from the Commonwealth Fund Biennial Health Insurance Survey, 2016.http://www.commonwealthfund.org/~/media/files/publications/issue-brief/2017/oct/collins_underinsured_biennial_ib.pdfDate: Oct 11, 2017Date accessed: March 27, 2019Google Scholar,  2United States Census BureauAnnual estimates of the resident population for selected age groups by sex for the United States, States, Counties, and Puerto Rico Commonwealth and Municipios: April 1, 2010 to July 1, 2017 2017 population estimates.https://factfinder.census.gov/bkmk/table/1.0/en/PEP/2017/PEPAGESEXDate: Feb 18, 2018Date accessed: July 3, 2018Google Scholar,  3Auter Z U.S. uninsured rate steady at 12·2% in fourth quarter of 2017.https://news.gallup.com/poll/225383/uninsured-rate-steady-fourth-quarter-2017.aspxDate: Jan 16, 2018Date accessed: July 3, 2018Google Scholar and millions more are at risk of losing coverage. The 24% of Americans who do not have adequate insurance include individuals who are entirely uninsured and those for whom out-of-pocket costs and deductibles are disproportionately high relative to their incomes.1

Stanford researchers estimate that 5,000 community hospitals would lose more than $151 billion under a Medicare for All plan; that would translate into the loss of 860,000 to 1.5 million jobs. A Navigant study found that a typical midsize, nonprofit hospital system would have a net revenue loss of 22%.

Most hospitals and specialists would probably lose money.

decimating a sector that represents nearly 20% of our economy.

Since state and local revenues generally have continued to improve since 2016, the number of states whose school funding finally has recovered from the Great Recession has likely continued to grow.

Further, some states have made new investments that research suggests are likely to boost student outcomes, an approach that likely will strengthen those state economies over time relative to their neighbors.

And states that rely heavily on local property tax revenue to fund their schools can raise revenue at the state level and funnel it through their funding formulas to increase opportunities for low-income children and children of color.

Several of the deepest-cutting states — including Arizona, North Carolina, and Oklahoma — enacted deep income tax cuts over the last decade, making it much more difficult for their school funding to recover from cuts they imposed after the last recession hit.

Research has found that high-quality early education programs boost long-term outcomes for low-income children, to the benefit of state economies generally

For example, in 2013 Minnesota’s legislature approved tax increases for high-income households to allow for full-day kindergarten programs in districts across the state, plus scholarships that enable more low-income children to attend pre-school and to afford college.

In 2016, for the first time since the recession hit, a majority of states (26 states) provided higher levels of total state and local funding per student than they did before the recession took hold in 2008.

Nationally, school funding shifted somewhat away from states to local governments in the years after the recession hit.

The shift to local funding after the last recession may be one reason for a sharp decline in the number of states in which overall state and local school funding is “progressive” — where high-poverty schools receive more funding per student than low-poverty schools.

Because school districts in neighborhoods with high property values find it much easier to raise adequate revenue than districts where property values are low, a shift toward more local funding can exacerbate school funding inequities

Some 42 states cut the average teacher’s salary relative to inflation between 2010 and 2017, the latest year with available data.

As a result, when states sharply reduce formula funding, districts typically are less able to make investments that research indicates improve student outcomes, such as expanding high-quality preschool, reducing class sizes, or increasing teacher quality.

Thus far in 2019, leading policymakers in these states have not proposed raising new revenue for school investments.

cut spending deeply

Arizona teachers ended their strike after Governor Doug Ducey signed a budget giving them a 20 percent salary increase over three years.

For example, in Oklahoma, per-student formula funding remains 15 percent below 2008 levels, including inflation adjustments. And per-student formula funding in Arizona, North Carolina, and West Virginia, as well, is still well below pre-recession levels. (See Figure 3.)

But in Kentucky, where teacher protests focused primarily on opposing legislation that cut teacher pensions, per-student formula funding remained about flat relative to inflation.

These features make state formula funding an especially important source of funding for schools in high-poverty areas, which disproportionately educate children of color.[2] That said, this targeting often doesn’t fully equalize educational spending across wealthy and poor school districts

Each state uses its own formula.

Despite last year’s improvements, however, formula funding remains well below 2008 levels in these states

For instance, per-student formula funding in Texas is now a full 20 percent below 2008 levels adjusted for inflation after lawmakers in that state further cut formula funding last year.

“formula” funding — the primary state revenue source for schools

Arizona, North Carolina, Oklahoma, and West Virginia, four of the 12 states

IDEA

The state has the option to reserve a small portion of the total federal allocations for discretionary purposes.

the Every Student Succeeds Act (ESSA)

The heavy reliance on local property taxes causes significant funding differences within and across states. Some states have attempted to address the inequity by developing formulas that help equalize disparities and increase funding to disadvantaged areas.

The federal government contributes about 10% of the total budget for both groups, primarily in the form of categorical grants to state education agencies. Local taxes generate the bulk of school funding (40%–50%).

Under the Constitution, the state is responsible for public education.

Harm can mean many different things. Someone may use physical violence to harm their partner. In other cases, they may use verbal or emotional abuse to hurt their partner, friend, or family member, and make them feel small or confused. In still other cases, a person who harms may use money to manipulate their partner. Sexual violence, or non-consensual sexual contact of any kind, is another way in which a person might harm another. 

Abuse happens between people of varying ages, gender identities, and backgrounds. Often, abuse occurs when one person harms another person in an intimate relationship – like a dating relationship, friendship, friends with benefits, or in a marriage. Other times, abuse happens within families – like when a parent or caregiver harms a child. It is also possible for abuse to take place between people that don’t know each other well or at all. 

It takes an entire community to reduce and eliminate the trauma of abuse. We value and rely on the contributions of community members to sustain DOVE’s mission. There are several ways that you can get involved with DOVE: