1962

The Mental Health Law of 1923 prohibited any "mental patient" from being admitted to any poor or alms house or prison not licensed by the Department of Public Welfare.[xii] This was the 1st use of the term "mental patient" instead of "insane" or "idiot".

If a pauper in a county hospital had legal settlement in another county, the Directors holding the pauper were to notify the Directors or Overseers where the pauper held residence within 30 days of determining the pauper's residency or be liable themselves for the costs.[vi

Poor House accounts annually in newspapers. This law was amended in 1821 to include the number of poor, profits from the Poor House farm, all rents, property of the poor, and balance given to heirs being published each March in 2 or more county newspapers.

for the employment and support of the poor

The logic behind this method was to prevent poor children from becoming dependent upon the community.

Apprenticing or binding out was a legal agreement between the county and an individual, through the Overseers. Children as young as a few months old were bound out. They were cared for until old enough to learn a trade and given a basic education for a few years, specified in the agreement between the care takers and the Overseers

Beginning in 1761 Overseers could apprentice or bind out freed negroes under 21 years of age and children of freed negroes (girls until age 21 and boys until age 24), and negro or mulatto children born of slaves when abandoned by whomever was entitled to them by 1780.

They also recovered the transportation costs for poor who were not legally settled in the county and were removed to their county of legal residence.

. By 1692 the prison population included the poor, insane, children, and loose and abusive persons in addition to felons, thieves, and vagrants.

This law states that fines for the relief of the poor were paid to Overseers of the Poor and the Justices of the Peace.

Bound to James Leslie of Uwchlan

Poorhouse Admissions Alphapet Book 1826-1843

Kept by A. Scott

1841

us in bello These are the ethical principles that govern the way combatants conduct themselves in the ‘theatre of war’. Discrimination requires combatants only to attack legitimate targets. Civilians, medics and aid workers, for example, cannot be the deliberate targets of military attack. However, according the principle of double-effect, military attacks that kill some civilians as a side-effect may be permissible if they are both necessary and proportionate. Proportionality applies to both jus ad bellum and jus in bello. Jus in bello requires that in a particular operation, combatants do not use force or cause harm that exceeds strategic or ethical benefits. The general idea is that you should use the minimum amount of force necessary to achieve legitimate military aims and objectives. No intrinsically unethical means is a debated principle in just war theory. Some theorists believe there are actions which are always unjustified, whether or not they are used against enemy combatants or are proportionate to our goals. Torture, shooting to maim and biological weapons are commonly-used examples. ‘Following orders’ is not a defence as the war crime tribunals after the Second World War clearly established. Military personnel may not be legally or ethically excused for following illegal or unethical orders. Every person bearing arms is responsible for their conduct – not just their commanders.

in 1835, a Vigilance Committee in Nashville, Tennessee, was responsible, after a kangaroo court "conviction", for the public whipping of Rev. Amos Dresser for the crime of distributing abolitionist publications (which he claimed he did not do). The names of all 62 members of the self-appointed vigilance committee were published by the American Anti-Slavery Society, annotating some as "Elder in the Presbyterian Church", and the like.*[3]

In 1863 he finished the code of the laws of war for which he isprobably best known, published under Lincoln's signature as GeneralOrders, No. 100, of the Union Army.

offencesagainst the law of nations for which a man may, by the laws of war, losehis life, his liberty, or his property, are not wimes. It is an offence against the law of nationsto break a lawful blockade, and for which a forfeiture of the property is the penalty, and yetthe running a blockade has never been regarded a crime; to hold communication orintercourse with the enemy is a high offence against the laws of war, and for which thoselaws prescribe punishment, and yet it is not a uime; to act as spy is an offence against thelaws of war, and the punishment for which in all ages has been death, and yet it is not acrime; toviolatea flag of truce isan offence against the laws of war, and yet not a crime ofwhich a civil court can take cognizance; to unite with banditti, jayhawkers, guerillas, or anyother unauthorized marauders is a high offence against the laws of war; the offence iscomplete when the band is organized or joined. The atrocities committed by such a banddo not constitute the offence, but make the reasons, and sufficient reason

Councils

U.S. forces, in turn, began to fall back on brutaland usually unauthorized reprisals, killing Mexican prisoners andnoncombatants in revenge for attacks on their comrades. In early February1847 an especially violent reprisal led by Arkansas cavalry at Catona, Mexico,caused injuries to noncombatants "without regard," as one Americanofficial put it, "to their age or sex."

, merely because the community of which he is a member, is guilty." 63Liberal or humanitarian institutions put the laws of war on the vergeof a criminal punishment model:

trialsand executions for brutal violence in the Middle Ages typically arose out ofconflicts viewed by the victors as civil wars or uprisings-not internationalarmed conflicts. The standard charge was high treason, not war crimes

While the Prosecutor and Deputy Prosecutor are elected by the Assembly of States Parties, which represents all state parties to the ICC, the UNSC and individual state parties may manipulate their referral power in pursuit of domestic political agendas.

that the $150 he had earned would ensure his name lived down in history

shortly after enlisting

Cleveland's political opponents later spread a rumor

income

With 185 electoral votes,

Why The 1876 Presidential Election Was The Most Controversial In History Print Collector/Getty Images By Alice Minium/May 17, 2022 3:43 pm EDT The 1876 disputed presidential election between Democrat Samuel J. Tilden (of New York) and Republican Rutherford B. Hayes (of Ohio) would become the most contentious in American history (via The Florida Historical Quarterly). For the second time in just over a decade, the United States was on the brink of governmental collapse. Why? According to election results, both of them had won. var sp = new URLSearchParams(document.location.search); if ( !sp || !sp.has("zsource") || sp.get("zsource") != "snapchat" ) { var s = document.createElement("SCRIPT"); s.setAttribute("async", "async"); s.type = "text/javascript"; s.language = "javascript"; s.src = "https://live.primis.tech/live/liveView.php?s=109154"; document.getElementById("primis-container").parentNode.appendChild(s); } "On the day of the election, evade Grant's minions as much as you can, but let your unerring bullets pierce the breasts of ravenous carpet-baggers," read a confidential memo sent to top Democrats in Southern swing states. "Drive them with one swoop from the polls; and if necessary deluge your land with their blood." The memo, dated October 13, 1876, was titled "Carnival of Blood" (via Library of Congress), and it wasn't the only one like it. For the first time in years, Democrats had a real chance at winning a presidential election, and they knew it. Bitterly resentful toward Republicans for Reconstruction and the economic devastation of the post-Civil War South post-Civil, white Democrats were determined to reclaim the White House at any cost. Republicans, at any cost, were equally determined to keep it. 'Waving the bloody shirt' Popular Graphic Arts, Public domain/Wikimedia Commons In

Indeed, we speak now or lose the right to speak. And we are called to open the administrative and publication-oriented gates preventing so many brilliant voices from speaking at this time of desperate need. We cannot afford to remain silent while waiting for tenure, slogging through traditional — slow, print-biased, restrictive, “elitist” — routes to publication, as the Republic collapses around us and we lose autonomy over our classrooms.

that if the boundaries [of self] are breached at all, there will be nothing to stop the self’s complete dissolution”

As evidence for this claim, consider the increasingly growing view — among conservatives and evangelicals — that merely being exposed to alternative, “fake” viewpoints is somehow oppressive,