Reductions in hunting intensity can only be expected if the needsof local people are satisfied, and their food security guaranteed.

sustainablesubsistence hunting—defined here as hunting that does not compro‐mise the long‐term survival of game species

But does this mean that their use of the stereotype shouldbe dismissed as (merely) political opportunism? On the contrary, mostYukon First Nation people with whom I have spoken invoke the imageof ecological nobility at least in part because they really do feel that some

He told me that nativepeople choose where they are going to live and camp by the food that isavailable there. They think about ‘‘groceries’’ and other useful things andcould not care less about the scenery

Whileat times hunters do view animals as munificent benefactors to be lovedand respected, at other times they think of them as powerful spiritualbeings who must be overcome and dominated through magic and cun-ning if humans are to survive

But terms like sacred and reverence, like respect, are Englishterms used to approximate aboriginal concepts.

an English term Yukon First Nation people use to refer toa complex set of beliefs about the proper relationship between humansand their spiritually powerful animal benefactors

At one end of the environmentalist spectrum are ‘‘non-’’ or ‘‘anti-environmentalist’’ positions. This group is thought to be composed of capi-talists, industrialists, and those mass consumers who have bought into ‘‘thesystem.’’ These nonenvironmentalists supposedly draw a sharp distinctionbetween humans and the environmen

utilitarian conservationism, whose proponents advocatedthe sustainable use of natural resources (to be achieved through govern-ment regulation) in preference to the short-sighted excesses of laissez-fairecapitalism. This, they believe, will ensure that natural resources continue tobe available to humans in the future. John Muir, on the other hand, is asso-ciated with preservationism, a more aesthetic—even spiritual—approachthat sees the natural world as valuable in and of itself, rather than in itsuse by humans

oots lie in Judeo-Christian—particu-larly Protestant—assumptions that link ‘‘the good’’ with sacrifice and self-denial, while evil is seen as the product of excess and self-indulgence. Thus,Langdon argues, contemporary wildlife conservation is a constellation ofbeliefs and practices rooted in a particular set of cultural values ratherthan in some ‘‘objective’’ understanding of animal population dynamics

arguesthat the standard model of wildlife conservation is based on outmodedassumptions about ecological equilibrium that fly in the face of current sci-entific understandings of chaos and complexity—even among ecologists

In several instances in which native communitieshave asserted control over commercially valuable naturalresources, they have chosen environmentally destructiveoptions.

Without the connec-tion to local peoples' struggles, foreigners' protestsagainst Amazonian deforestation can be construed as justanother form of self-interested first-world imperialistmeddling in third-world affairs

The scientificallylegitimized goal of preserving biodiversity became at-tached to the idea of preserving indigenous knowledgeand, by extension, preserving indigenous peoples. Indianssuddenly were hailed as guardians of the forest: saving theforest's people was seen as a way to save the rain forestand to preserve its unknown resources that held promisefor advances in medicine and pharmaceuticals

At the core of this primitivist ideal was thedream of "people dwelling in nature according to nature,existing free of history's burden and the social complexityfelt by Europeans in the modern period

‘(ajos04) soya, Butkpnys ut onqea PUL “arojoroy) “Pinom weIpuy ON ‘sIoLem odekey 10 sdsem aH] (947) Buoys Jou (g.4yn) ovviq Joypou axe Soy ‘sjoosun [eIOos pue SUBIPU] oy] ont] 0} Ieadde Acq) ysnoyyye ‘pue (asogufom) Aypremoo pur (axy92.) yeom ore Aay], “ssopuyiom oae SoAfSSUIOT} soy1e) pue dood ssayyjsom, YIM soueye Ur ore soya], “PUNnow spIULIE} e YSNoMp JoAB] Yea sty}, 0} papuaose Apeoe oagy ysour ySnoy ‘Mojeq oat] TNs dnaypy-ugqny Kuey, -(yayoy-uaqny ‘odeAey-uou) ueur ssopyyiom, oy) aui0s sayeyd somo] om WHOL

sdsem oy) Woy ows osye pey 724) sIOLIeM LeTpUT oY} JO souRTTeA pur ySuoNs year8 oy) (I pue KoHeztuesi0 [eIo0s oy) Wo owe. Jamod oty (1 sda omy Jo astivoaq s[etuiuR Jeyjo UeY} jnJzemod orow ainjeoso & se UeUI poysqeyso yegjap FUL “auwnfp-uy-p.xy amy payesyop odedey ou} JO SIOLIEM ssopegy pue yueryea otf ‘sou jusToUR esory ur opyeq Jea13 e UT UY], ‘(sue pur sdsem) dy ou oy] SoBeIIIA UL oA] pur sdnoxZ oy SeATOSUIOY] OZIUBSIO 0} pouteo, odedry oy} ‘Ays ou} Ut ‘sAep JusToUR ONY UT ‘WoUL JsuTeSe JEM podem ‘ainnfp-uny-psy ayy «, yoryo, Hoy) Jo drysiepes, oy) z

sueueys Aq siamod yemnjeu Jo uoendrmens omy ul sjoo} yueyodwt wey} oyeul eisydos] pue viojdouswAy [eloos Jeyjo 0} UOTE POI UL omMyeU snojeWoUR Toy} AOYs Uy ‘suUUEYS Jo SUOT}OOOUOO oY] UT sjTOIPeISUt juRsOduMT ou pue sys fo uoyepndrueui oxy yyim poyelosse axe sjoosur soy],

SUISUIS pue suoWISAOW OdeAey 0} pousyy ore syuSUE ~SAOUI ItOU} JO SpuNos oY) PUL SIOLLIEM oAeY OF UMoUY ore AsyT, ‘odekey oy} oy] ysnf syrum Ayruey opur poztueSio 9q pure (piu fpouag-g) Jaryo e oABy OF 1YBNorp are (omynin) saruojoo dy [Ty ‘erMeU [eUNUTOD IIa) Jo asne09q URL OF diysuoyeyor [efoods z UI aq 0} us9s oue syoasHT Teloos Jo Au oY

“WyeuEq oTWOUOSS JofeU YIM pfow jeuTTUE peypoys AUC oy ore Koy) Joy ‘saaq JO oINyeU snoyeUIOUe sty O}4 a[quINqLAWe st sty], "s99q pue sdsem Ueamjoq seutoo souanbes [eorgojoydiour omy ur yeorq ayy

‘TRAIAINS [BUIsIeUL Jo YUTIG oy} 04 poysnd dnoad e joayyar 0) suzoas A[prey ‘sterMoUteie. pure sjenqly syelogela

Fishing appears to have been a major source of protein forthese populations

Recent archaeologicaldiscoveries reveal large, sedentary settlements that prac-ticed intensive agriculture and agroforestry, invested inmajor earthworks, and otherwise modified and managedtheir environments

there are many more taboos on aquatic life than on terrestrial game.

achnuclearfamilymaintainsitsownfireand cooks andeatsindepen-dentlyoftheothers unlessahighlyproductivehuntbringsmoremeatintothehousethanusual.

activescientificexperimenterswhose workreflectssocialneedsandwhoselaboratoryhappenstobethe rain forest.

This limited and highlyselectiveuseofmedicinalplantsstoodinmarkedcontrasttothatofneighboringtribessuchastheCanelosQui-chua,apeoplewhohavebeen repeatedlyexposedandravagedbyWesterndiseasesforhundredsofyears.

s Jimhad written,themagicofChristianitywasitspotentialtobreakthevendettaand endthecycleofviolence.Andithad. Looking aroundthissmallgathering provided ampleevidence.AgenerationagoTomowouldhave hadtoavengeTofio’sdeathbykillingWepe.Wepe’sgroup had beenraided byKento’sfather,Niiwa.Wepeinturnhad raidedKowe. Noneofthemcouldbe sittingtogether.What-everelseithadwrought,Christianity had stoppedthespearingraidsthe killingofinnocentwomen,infanticide, andtheliveburialofchildren.

HowdoyougiveEnglishwordstoalanguagesorichinonomatopoeiaandpunctuatedwiththesoundsoftheforest

Government figures set Ecuador’s rate of poverty at 47 percent of the population in1975, 57 percent in 1987, 65 percent in 1992, and 67 percent in 199

In order to justify extraction, mining, and land appropriation in the Amazon, theIndigenous inhabitants have historically been represented in one of two ways: either, theyare not acknowledged at all, in the pristine and vast wilderness of the Amazon or, theyare considered wild savages, heathens, and cannibals so morally vile in the Christian eyethat any crime committed against them is justified

cheap food imports, predominantly subsidized wheat, corn and soy,began flooding the markets of economically disadvantaged countries, leading to volatilityof food prices, putting the livelihoods of small and medium scale farmers at risk.

Green and Gene Revolutions that promotetechnological advancements and “improved seeds” through biogenetics and geneticallymodified organisms. These “improved seeds” require a high amount of inputs to be ableto grow, and these inputs must be purchased (usually) through the same corporations thatalso provide the seeds (Clapp, 2016). This is often referred to as the agri-food industry,and the industrialization of food. Through tailoring “seeds into a nonreproducingcommodity,” the industry has actually socially constructed “scarcity by creating a need forthese products”

Rather, food sovereignty is at its core, like any other struggle for sovereignty,about a rearticulation of power and freedom, and the ability to choose, not simply thefood you eat, but the entire system

As growing trends would put it, eating organic, local or fair tradefood is going to save not only our bodies and our waistlines, but also the world. But is theanswer really so simple?Julie Guthman does not think s

continuing to engage intraditional and culturally important food practices is also a political act that refuses tocede land or adopt outside food practices inconsistent with runa ideologies

Gardens themselves [are] a manifestation of the community's most deeplyheld values: autonomy, status, religious piety, and personal investment infamily...A garden demonstrates a woman's freedom from dependence on productsfrom neighbors and commercial vendors; her fiscal standing evidenced by herability to expend valuable land on a garden; her faith displayed by a sacrifice ofresources to adorn the church; and her industriousness and devotion to familyexhibited by her investment in plant cultivation”

here is growing realisationthat what erodes cultural diversity (in the form of subsistence practices, dietary habits,knowledge, values, institutions, and languages) also erodes agrobiodiversity

It thus must reflect these communities’ values andconcerns, and be based not only on ecological and economic, but also local social,cultural, ethical, and spiritual values

conservation needs to beundertaken by local communities.

thathave generally led to community food security, sustainable natural resourcemanagement, high levels of unique biodiversity and the preservation of cultural identity,human dignity, and equity.

These systems provide culturaland ecological services to humankind as a whole, such as the management andmaintenance of unique landscapes and biodiversity, a wealth of traditional knowledge,local crop and animal species, myriad other ecological services, and forms of socialorganisation that have evolved to ensure adequate management of local resources andsocial welfar

many Bora folk know whât you are râlk¡ng abour. Oncc you know,lalcs are elaborâlcd âround work in sårdcns

Shaped like circles, diamonds, hexagons,and interlocking rectangles, the geoglyphsare 100 to 350 meters in diameter and out-lined by trenches 1 to 7 meters deep. M

In many regions, particularlythe tropical lowlands, populations fell by 90percent or more in the first century after con-tact

e. Recent studies have documented the frequentpresence of anthrosols [52] associated with fairly settledsocieties, with significantly enhanced nutrients and carbon,as is true across the globe during the Late

How can you, as an individual and as part of a group, support oneof these organizations? How can you join with them to do the thingsthat need to be done?

When we makeit a thing that we can buy and sell, we not only sever our relationshipwith it; we sever it from its relationship with the Creator

aming creates relationships, reveals iden-tity.

he writes about theAnishinaabe language being more suited for quantum physicsthan English because it understands the dynamic nature of cre-ation, particle and wave.

Ifthe academy is concerned about not only protecting and main-taining Indigenous intelligence but also revitalizing it on Indig-enous terms as a form of restitution for its historic and contem-porary role as a colonizing force (of which I see no evidence),then the academy must make a conscious decision to become adecolonizing force in the intellectual lives of Indigenous peoplesby joining us in dismantling settler colonialism and actively pro-tecting the source of our knowledge: Indigenous land

sneaking aroundand feeling like they were “poachers.” They resorted tocatching other animals and harvesting those things thatthe government did not feel were part of the things theyneed to “protect” from us.

The practices ofhunting, fishing, and living off the land within my territory havebeen a direct challenge to settler colonialism since 1923 and theimposition of the Williams Treaty.

“Theory” is generatedand regenerated continually through embodied practice andwithin each family, community, and generation of people. The-ory isn’t just an intellectual pursuit. It is woven within kinetics,spiritual presence, and emotion. It is contextual and relational.It is intimate and personal with individuals themselves holdingthe responsibilities for finding and generating meaning withintheir own lives

pedagogy

Despite high rates of agricultural produc-tion (and synthetic pesticide use), many agriculturalcounties in California report the highest rates of foodinsecurity and poverty in the state, which particularlyaffects Latinx children

Pesticide active ingredients are the chem-icals in a pesticide formulation meant to control thetarget pest, while pesticide inert ingredients help theoverall performance of the pesticide. Only pesticideactive ingredients must legally be publicly disclosed

Production of livestock employs over abillion people, predominantly the world’s poor, to produce about one-third of humandietary protein and 40% of all agricultural income.

However, in large-scale agricultural systems, the quantities of applied inorganic N,pesticides, and frequent tillage decrease the diversity, abundance, and functioning ofthese beneficial microbes

Brazil is one of the largest agricultural and livestock producers in the world, with agribusiness geared towards global trade. Consequently, the country appears on the international scene as one of the main consumers of pesticides.

in exchange for political support, mainly of the ruralist group (deputies and senators who are linked to Brazilian agribusiness), he has introduced several measures that encourage the expansion of agriculture and livestock. Among these is a drastic reduction in funds for forest inspection and control agencies (Brasil, 2019a), freer use of agrochemicals and pesticides, a third of which contains at least one substance that is forbidden in the European Union

For example, McDonald’s sells about550 million Big Macs annually in the United States.145Meatonomics author David Simon assessed the true price of aBig Mac if it included costs taxpayers already contributethrough federal agricultural subsidies.146 He concluded thateach burger should cost an additional $0.70—a 15% hike overits average retail price in the United States of $4.56 in 2013

the handful offarmers who consistently harvest the most greenbacksfrom crop subsidies, research shows, are livestockproducers. The reason: corn and soybeans are the mainitems on the menus for livestock, accounting for themajority of feed ingredients in factory farms (wherevirtually all [U.S.] farm animals are raised). Thismakes factory farms the biggest consumers of thesesubsidized commodities, and they buy most of the cornand soybeans grown in the United States.

agribusiness continued to receive billions in taxdollars despite earning record profits at their megafarms: “[i]n2005 alone, when pretax farm profits were at a near-record $72billion, the federal government handed out more than $25billion in aid [to big farms], almost 50 percent more than theamount it [paid] to families receiving welfare [in the UnitedStates that year]

new system of price guarantees was one piece of alarger policy agenda of the Nixon administration to massivelyexpand American commodity production—even to the point ofoverproduction. President Nixon’s Secretary of Agriculture atthe time, Earl Butz, vociferously advocated for farmers to “getbig or get out” and to “plant from fencerow to fencerow”,88“arguing that overproduction and a resultant drop in the priceof commodity grains would increase exports” abroad.8

the 1965 Act establishedmandatory acreage allotments, planting restrictions, andmarketing quotas,84 all of which disproportionately favoredlarge farms

As one legal scholar notes, theconcept of the multi-year Farm Bill was “to provide policy-makers with opportunities to make regular, comprehensivechanges to food and agriculture policy, but instead [it] providedmore frequent intervals for lobbyists to influence thelegislation

n addition to expanding their financial power in the post-war decades, these large farms also joined forces with oneanother to create the first agribusiness lobby, and theyleveraged their new political power to influence the policypriorities of the various Farm Bills during this period.8

reminiscent of the farm crisis during the Great Depression.”79However, during this newer farm crisis the government did no

ederal farm policycontinued to focus on combating rural poverty and mitigatingthe inclination for overproduction in impoverished agriculturalcommunities.72 To achieve those goals, Congress continued toappropriate funding “through a combination of directassistance programs, subsidies for farmers who agreed to takeland out of production, and by making farm credit more readilyavailable.”73 However, in the decades that followed the War,many of the original “programs designed to save the familyfarm had the unintended consequence of lavishing the greatestbenefits on the largest producers.”74 Smaller farms wereincreasingly consolidated into “larger, more industrialoperations.”

The Farm Bill is a multi-year, omnibuslegislation passed roughly every five years that creates andreauthorizes federal programs dedicated to, among otherthings, crop insurance, soil conservation, commodity priceguarantees, and food assistance to low-income earners

According toEPA studies, the top three sources of U.S. agriculturalemissions are (1) soil management, (2) enteric fermentation,and (3) manure management,36 which directly or tangentiallyrelate to intensive livestock production

The average global warming potential of nitrous oxideand methane is, respectively, 265-298 times and 28-36 timesthat of carbon dioxide over 100 years.

or 52.5% ofthe United States’ total landmass and about 63% of thelandmass in the lower 48 states

, “Human dignity resides in humanreason and the freedom to put it to use.”6

The dignity casesare unique in constitutional law for several reasons. First, dignity is becom-ing a universally recognized constitutional value, transcending geographic,cultural, and political boundaries. Second, dignity is undeniably broader andmore amorphous and appears in a wider variety of factual settings than anyother constitutional right. Third, jurists are increasingly embracing the op-portunity to give meaning to dignity, even in cases where it is not necessaryfor the resolution of the case; that is, they are choosing to discuss what humandignity means in their particular constitutional culture.

Following the work of Karel Vasak, Whelan shows that thetypes of rights reflected in the principle of liberty are first generation civil andpolitical rights that are asserted primarily against the state and prioritizedprincipally in first world or developed nations. Second-generation economicand social rights, he says, reflect the principle of equality and are primarilyasserted against the market and are prioritized in what he calls the “second”world, whereas third-generation solidarity and group rights reflect the valueof fraternity and are prized principally in the so-called third world, wherethey are primarily asserted against anticolonial interests.7

human dignity, 64 which might characterize the constitutional cultures ofpostwar Germany, as well as that of postcolonial India, post-communistHungary, post-apartheid South Africa, and post-Cold War Latin America.It may also characterize the ever-evolving constitutionalism of Israel.

man’s inherent rationality actuated his autonomy—or what John StuartMill called his “sovereignty” 21—which allowed him to determine the courseof his life and protected him against objectification or control by others; thatis, a man has the ability and therefore the exclusive power to decide his ownlife course. This man has been freed from the ties of feudalism in which thecircumstances of his birth (place, class, father’s occupation, gender, even birthorder) determined the course of his life; he can now determine his life’s plan(repeatedly if he wants) according to his own choices, untethered by his com-munity of origi

Incontract law and in electoral politics, just as in the criminal law, ignorance ofthe law is no excuse: there is an almost irrebuttable presumption that every-one is knowledgeable or capable of knowledge.

Elected officials are held accountable by the voters; voters are respon-sible for the decisions that they collectively make; if they choose a bad official,the voters have only themselves to blame

distinct from the rationality aspect: in some ways it is more precise,inasmuch as it protects a particular type of planning; in other ways it goesbeyond rationality, because people plan their futures not only on the basisof rational thought but on the basis of emotion, desire, need, morality, andmany other factors and because developing one’s life course is as much a mat-ter of self-definition as it is of planning for the future.

four distinct though overlap-ping features.

These two questions—what the dignity cases tell us about what it is to behuman, and what they tell us about the limits of state power—are explored inturn in this chapter.

They are constitutional cases, whichmeans that they are ultimately cases about the rights of individuals and thelimits of state power.

cases describe human beings in a particular way, fo-cusing primarily on the human capacity to reason, but also recognizing otherqualities of being human, such as the need to hope and plan for the future, theneed to live in society with others, and the equal worth of each person.

First, participation of victims ortheir representative organizations can surface new information and help unravel the skeins ofscheming, allowing anti-corruption campaigners to connect dots, find leads, and open new linesof investigation. This access-based rationale looks in practice very close to arguments in favorof freedom of information and access to justice.Second, participation shines a light on proceedings that otherwise risk public prosecutors and/orjudges colluding in sweetheart deals with those charged with corruption. The incentives forprosecutors – whether because they themselves are complicit, or simply because it is difficultand expensive to prosecute powerful political and economic actors in complex cases shrouded insecrecy – are to make a deal, quickly and quietly, or to ignore all but the most notorious cases.Judges will often need an outside push to consider difficult damages and causation issues. Thehigher up the suspect is in government or private elites, and the more systemic the corruption, themore likely that investigations and proceedings will feature easy non-prosecution deals,incompetent prosecutions, loss of files or witness whereabouts and the like.Third, victims bear the brunt of the lack of services or personnel, shoddy or unsafe infrastructure,or land grabs and environmental mayhem that are the result of many corruption schemes. Whilesometimes these effects are diffused throughout the society, often they are not. Where specificindividuals or communities are differentially affected, they are usually already marginalized orvulnerable. Moreover, civil society and victim groups are often the whistleblowers on corruptdeals and are attacked for their advocacy. Sometimes, as in the case of environmental andindigenous rights activist Berta Cáceres (discussed below), they are murdered. Putting a face tothe real effects of grand corruption helps clarify the stakes and build public support forinvestigations and trials. Ultimately, it helps rebuild the missing or shaky trust in publicinstitutions that is a prerequisite for a functioning democracy

This article posits that the fight for victim access to information, participation and reparation forthose who have been harmed by acts of grand corruption is a step forward in effectivelycombatting systemic corruption and kleptocracy in three ways.

grand corruption, also described as kleptocracy orsystemic corruption, involves high-ranking officials using and transforming the entire apparatusof the state, from the highest levels, for private gain. That is, state or private officials do not onlysolicit and accept bribes to channel business to private interests or to create phantom jobs orprojects. They also use control over, or alliances with, legislators, regulators, and judges to createlaws and regulations that permit the sacking of the state and ensure impunity for doing so.Corruption has become the raison d’etre of the state itself.

It is argued by some, for example,that the perceived individualism underlying human rights law and discourse is at oddswith the intrinsically collective concerns of much environmental law - and thathuman rights represent a form of 'philosophical speciesism' 3 that sits ill with moreecologically oriented values and visions

The abstract, disembodied rational 'person' of the Cartesian/Kantian foundations ofliberal legal subjectivity can, as was argued above, be understood as being fundamen-tal to the discursive closures of liberal legal subjectivity and intimately linked to thehuman conceptions and practices at the heart of the exploitation of non-dominanthumans, non-human animals and the environment.

quintessential or archetypical (rational/legal) personis (impossibly) disembodied and simultaneously male - what I have elsewhere termed'quasi-disembodied': 35 a term driving at the smuggled morphology implicated in the(Cartesian/Kantian) liberal 'person' construct

If the dreadful event is caused by the external forces of nature, it is a misfortune and we must resign ourselves to our suffering. Should, however, some ill-intentioned agent, human or supernatural, have brought it about, then it is an injustice and we may express indignation and outrage’

‘concrete’ harm and ‘abstract’ harm; the former comprises ‘the harm that par- ticular human agents intentionally inflict on specific others who are placed outside the former’s moral community because of religious, racial or other supposedly morally decisive characteristics’, while ‘abstract harm’ is the harm unintentionally inflicted upon persons, groups or the global commons.’

difficulties with the paradigm of historical justice as applied in the context of climate change. The first may be called epistemological dif- ficulty; climate science did not exist in the times of first modernity and industrial revolution. Conjoint with the idea that we cannot harm others if we do not even know that our action will harm others, Tremmel fixes the date of climate science with the first report of the IPCC in 1990: ‘for the sake of justice, countries are accoun- table for their entire emissions since 1990.

Environmental racism-thedisproportionate targetingofcommunities ofcolor through socioenvironmentalviolence

Producers use a twofold strategy to broker theirpolitical-economic power. As the main financer of govern-ment and campaigns, they steer laws and policies towardtheir self-interests. As large employers, producers use thethreat of job loss and decreasing tax revenues to disciplinepoliticians, workers, and voters.

Prior to conducting tests, testers received training lasting at least eight hours. They werecoached on effective job application techniques, appropriate interview dress, and standardanswers to questions typically asked in server job interviews. They practiced completingjob applications, being interviewed, and objectively recording their job-seeking experiences

Matched pair testing is a systematic research procedure creating quasi-experiments in whichto observe employers’ candid responses to employees’ personal characteristics. In this proce-dure, pairs of research assistants (“testers”) apply simultaneously for the same actual jobvacancy. Within each tester pair, employee characteristics likely to be related to employeeproductivity are controlled by selecting, training, and credentialing testers to appear equallyqualified for the positions they seek. Simultaneously, personal characteristics unrelated to jobperformance are experimentally manipulated by pairing testers who differ in one personalcharacteristic, such as race. If testers within a pair experience substantially different responsesto their job-seeking efforts, few assumptions and little analysis are required to interpret thatdifference as the employer’s reaction to that characteristic

for whites, an additional yearof working age (a proxy for work experience) is associated with $1153 higher annual earnings,but for a person of color, only $885 per year, 23.2% less. Being female reduces annual earnings$4508 for whites but $5795 for persons of color, 28.5% more; and being a non-citizen reducesearnings by $690 for whites but $2782 for persons of color, 30.3% more.

For many students, actors, or persons between “career”jobs, restaurants provide short-term income from work unrelated to their eventual careers, andthese disadvantages have only short-term consequences. But many other workers find transi-tioning to better jobs in other industries difficult, especially for those with limited education,personal contact networks, or command of English, or in whose native cultures restaurantjobs are commonly viewed as a career. Among these workers, aspirations for middle classemployment tend to focus on better jobs in the restaurant industry itself.These better jobs are limited in number, and competition is fierce

Although restaurants offer large numbers of entry-level jobs, those positions typically pro-vide low wages, few fringe benefits, little job security, and sometimes employee abuse rangingfrom violations of wages and hours laws to racial or sexual harassment

security is ‘[t]he con-dition of being protected from or not exposed to danger; safety’. In the context of thepresent discussion the term ‘security’ relates specifically to dangerous or violent,environments.

‘predatory economies’ following Kumarappa. 39To summarise, these include:1. Inequitable gender relations within households, families, and societies at large.Among the many problems here are invisibility, disproportionate workloads,poor information provision, lack of access to health services, inability to parti-cipate in decision making or share political and economic power, and historicalsocial and institutional structures that perpetrate such dynamics; 402. Exploitation of resources by corporations, often unaccountable, and the perpetra-tion of predatory economies, especially in sectors that speak to human sustenance.Examples of corporate consolidation, control and eventually frontier-alienation arereplete and widespread throughout the world;413. Subsidy systems that advantage first-world producers and disadvantage theirthird-world counterparts

German law gave forest officials the right to enforce these provi-sions, which they did with a great deal of force and authority. Their uncontrolledharshness engendered a great deal of resentment among local populations and ledto many protests over access to forest resources.

The ousting of the Khoikhoi by European settlers through the use of a combi-nation of technology, bureaucracy and firepower;2. The legitimisation of their new acquisitions by means of legal regimes andinstitutions;3. The acquisition of productive frontiers – such as fertile land and fresh water sources;4. The denial of these resources to the Khoikhoi, who found it ‘increasingly dif-ficult to sustain themselves in a land in which access to limited water resourceswas necessary for their survival’;5. The consequent result of the Khoikhoi being squeezed out and becoming clientsof the European settlers

Indeed it is deeply consistent with the spirit of its historic usage to define‘sustenance’ as including all the attributes that make for human livelihood, including,of course, environmental factors such as clean air and water, the means to grow food,or access to land for agriculture and pasture. Sustenance, then, is about access to whatmay be called ‘good’ environments.

During the nineteenth and twentieth centuries natural history evolved into theenvironmental sciences.

many ofthe scientific practitioners who propounded environmental theories were landownersor managers, or had held some other responsibility that related to well-being and tothe continued generation of wealth through cultivation. This concern with agrarianproductivity resonated sharply with the doctrine of physiocracy, which was one ofthe important emergent frameworks of political economy during this period

interrelationships of the physical, the biological and the human, for the efficient use ofnatural resources.

themotivation of John Evelyn, the seventeenth-century Englishman who advocatedtree-planting, was primarily economic, directed at raising the value of estates. Simi-larly, Evelyn’s contemporary, Jean-Baptiste Colbert, who served as France’s Ministerof Finance during the reign of King Louis XIV, passed a conservation Ordinanceintended to preserve forests in order to ensure the existence of resources for activitiessuch as grazing, mast feeding and the gathering of forest litter.

the recognition that human beingsare akin to geological agents, capable of making undesirable and, from the standpointof human societies, catastrophic changes in nature

These are features of nature which all contribute tothe meaning the world has for us, they are all essential features of the sense we make of ourexperience. In that way they enrich our lives, not necessarily because they are beautiful, butbecause they are emotionally evocative. This is not instrumental value. It is not that we firsthave an independently identifiable need to find some things expressive, and then light uponfeatures of nature as means of satisfying that need. Rather, these features of nature just arepart of the world we have to make sense of; we find them powerfully expressive in theseways, and given that we do so, our experience would be diminished if they were to bedestroyed.

Rationality was constructed, critics argue, as quintessen-tially masculine (mind/men/reason/culture). Women, imbricated in the realm of embo-diment and emotion (body/women/emotion/nature), were not paradigmatic cases ofthe 'rational person'. Women were sealed, along with the body (especially the trou-blesome, messy female body), in the realm of nature and cloistered in the private,domestic sphere, away from the public realm of rational discourse and government(implicating the famous public/private divide of liberal political theory).

'Plato to Descartes, the scenewas set in which body/women/emotion/nature coalesced into that which was right-fully governed by mind/men/reason/culture as the basis for the development of civi-lised society'.2

Cartesian/Kantian tradition of Western philosophy

It will be argued that the 'anthropocentric' construct operative at theheart of human rights law's alleged 'philosophical speciesism', by its highly patternedexclusions, functionally unites innumerable human beings, non-human animals and theentire living order in a set of linked oppressions. These, furthermore, can be directlyrelated to a sociological account demonstrating identifiable patterns of exploitationand objectification directly related to the capitalistic processes that have led theworld to its current crisis in relation to ecological and environmental breakdown

does not reveal the fact ofa straightforward but troublesome human centrality, but rather the centrality of a parti-cular construct or cipher bearing only attenuated resemblance to a living human being.This lack of true approximation can be observed in two key respects: first it will beargued that there is a fundamental degree of complex conceptual disembodimentoperative in the notion of the human at the heart of liberal rights discourse (includingthe 'human' of human rights), and secondly that there is also a fundamental separationof that 'human' from contexts both natural and social.

underlying idea that their protection of the human being has generally beenaccompanied by disregard for the well-being of the non-human animal and by anexploitive attitude towards the 'environment - a charge indicating the (utilitarianand non-utilitarian) elevation of the human being at the expense of and/or to theocclusion of (broadly speaking) the living ecology and its constituent elements.

The liberal philosophical roots of human rightslaw and discourse, it is charged, make them ill-suited to assist with environmentalismwhen the socio-political provenance of human rights links them so intimately with thepast and contemporary excesses of capitalism driving environmental exploitation andclimate change.4This article will part-address this charge. First it will offer a critical reading focus-ing on identifiable closures within an identifiable and much-criticised strand of theliberal legal tradition, linking these with capitalism and repositioning legal anthropo-centrism as a radical failure of justice for human beings as well as for animals and theenvironment. Secondly the article will offer brief reflections upon a progressive phi-losophical approach that aspires to understand human rights and the environment asbeing in an intimate (even inherent) and co-constructive relationship.

he aim is to provide policymakers, and those to whom they areaccountable, with knowledge and understanding to improve decision-making in the interestsof citizens and the environment.

This article draws onexisting scholarly literature on the Ecuadorian Amazonian indigenous peoples, primaryresearch among Huaorani and Sarayaku Kichwa communities of Eastern Ecuador 2016–2017,and documents from the United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues (UNPFII) 26April—6 May 2017.

How do we pursue climate change justice, confronted with both the injustice of capitalism and the problematique of life after capitalism?

ustice according to the law and justice beyond the law all my life.

contribution of ‘corporate legal humanity’