different from the orthodoxy preached by it. Africans have to demand andcreate such a space’

You cannot change a rent-seeking political economy just by reducing thesize and role of the state

Meles agreed with the neo-liberals thatthe ‘predatory state’ of Africa’s first post-colonial decades was one deadend, but argued that allowing the market to rule was a second dead end.

authentically

a capitalist state

(graduating first in his class)

When the TPLF first administered ‘liberated’territories in the 1970s, it took a conventional leftist line, tried to regulatetrade and moneylending, and failed

mid internationalpredictions that Ethiopia would go the way of Somalia

they evaluated outside precepts against theirown experience and logic. It was a refreshing, even inspiring, dose ofintellectual self-reliance.

Meles was a convinced Marxist-Leninist

one of the very few times he left the field during the entire armed struggle

World leaders have lauded Meles’ economic achievements withoutacknowledging their theoretical basis

divided agencies and responsi-bilities

“collective agency” and “sharedresponsibility”

it cannot explain why the variable ofcentral bank independence is part of the federal-unitary dimen-sion.

The secondary characteristicsare strong bicameralism, a rigid constitution, and strong judicialreview.

ederalismand unitary government

Since most of the five differences on the second dimensionare commonly associated with the contrast between federalismand unitary government

the variables cluster in two clearly separate di-mensions

he consensus model tries to share, disperse, and limit power ina variety of ways.

The majoritarian model concentrates politi-cal power in the hands of a bare majority

it accepts majority rule only as aminimum requirement: instead of being satisfied with narrowdecision-making majorities, it seeks to maximize the size of thesemajorities.

accepting that majority rule isbetter than minority rule

Defining democracy as “government by and for the people”

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POLYARCHY

for it is a terminology invariably based upon classifying rather than ranking.

Consequently, when countries are ranked solely according to their inclusiveness, nottaking into account the surrounding circumstances, the results are anomalous.

assume that a key characteristic of a democracy is thecontinuing responsiveness of the government to the preferences of its citizens

Alongthe same lines, he felt that individual bureaucrats could not “squirm out” of thebureaucracy once they were “harnessed” in it

“iron cage”

Thecharismatic leader is a constant threat to the other forms of authority.

Weber contended thatrationality—not charisma—is the most irresistible and important revolutionary forcein the modern world.

The modern, rationalized world may well mean the death ofcharisma as a significant revolutionary force

If successful, cha-risma almost immediately moves in the direction of routinization. But once routinized,charisma is en route to becoming either traditional or rational-legal authority. Once itachieves one of those states, the stage is set for the cycle to begin all over again

and what was charismaticleadership is on the way toward becoming traditional authority.

After all, a charismatic system is inherently fragile; it would seem tobe able to survive only as long as the charismatic leader lives.

the staff of the charismatic leader is lackingon virtually all counts.

xternal revolutionary force changing the structures of society firstand then ultimately the thoughts and actions of individuals

internal revolutionary force t

the rise of charismatic authority.

revolutionary forces

Weber argued that the structures and practices of tradi-tional authority constitute a barrier to the rise of rational economic structures—inparticular, capitalism—as well as to various other components of a rational society

This restraint, in turn, leads to more stabilized power positions than exist in patrimo-nialism

primary patri-archalism involves leaders who inherit their positions

gerontocracy involves rule by elders

patrimonialism,which is traditional domination with an administration and a military force that are

He concluded that it was lacking on a num-ber of counts. The traditional staff lacks offices with clearly defined spheres of com-petence that are subject to impersonal rules. It also does not have a rational orderingof relations of superiority and inferiority; it lacks a clear hierarchy

Although the bureaucratic staff owesits allegiance and obedience to enacted rules and to the leader, who acts in their name,the staff of the traditional leader obeys because the leader carries the weight oftradition—he or she has been chosen for that position in the traditional manner.

“Per-sonal loyalty, not the official’s impersonal duty, determines the relations of the admin-istrative staff to the master”

The ethic of conviction often involves a withdrawal from the rationalworld, whereas the ethic of responsibility involves a struggle within that world forgreater humanness

Weber said that politicians “must be the countervailing force against bureau-cratic domination

s that profes-sionals who stand outside the bureaucratic system can control it to some degree. Inthis category, Weber included professional politicians, scientists, intellectuals (Sadri,1992), and even capitalists, as well as the supreme heads of the bureaucracies.

“capitalism presented the best chances for the preservation ofindividual freedom and creative leadership in a bureaucratic world”

In capitalism, at least theowners are not bureaucrats and therefore would be able to restrain the bureaucrats, butin socialism, even the top-level leaders would be bureaucrats.

we might ask whether a socialist society might be different

andmeans of compulsion

but it is not to be mistaken for a realistic depiction of the way bureaucra-cies actually operate

Weber concluded that “the future belongs to bureaucrati-zation” (1921/1968:1401), and time has borne out his prediction.

so cheaply. . . . Rational calculation . . . reduces every worker to a cogin this bureaucratic machine and, seeing himself in this light, he will merely askhow to transform himself into a somewhat bigger cog. . . . The passion forbureaucratization drives us to despair

His major fear, however, was that the rationalization thatdominates all aspects of bureaucratic life was a threat to individual liberty.

but what mainly interested Weber were the legitimateforms of domination, or what he called authority

Weber noted thatauthority structures exist in every social institution, and his political views wererelated to his analysis of these structures in all settings.

are always structuresstruggling for domination”

Money and an entrepreneurial position are not in them-selves status qualifications, although they may lead to them; and the lack of propertyis not in itself a status disqualification, although this may be a reason for it”

Western powers extracted compliance from their subordinates by selectively but strategically applying their political skills -including negotiations or accommodations - and military means. Thechoice depended upon a hierarchy of subjectivity which determined thedegree of moral solicitude

This historical desirewas prompted by the chaos resulting from centuries of antagonismsamong Western powers

Theseentities exist because international morality has never been foundedupon a single standard of moral authority or sovereign legitimacy.

Belgium and Switzerland) thatowe their existence to geopolitical and other considerations by theirmost powerful neighbors

the material structures of political power andsubordination within the post-colonial international order

it has fostered only the survival of 'illegitimate, incapable,disorganized, divided, corrupt and even chaotic states'

The instituted regimes of sovereignty resulted frompower dynamics and conflicts globally but the resulting modes of governance reflect the particular and collective wills and desires of theparticipants.

The other is thatpost-colonial sovereignty constitutes a historical deviation from Western norms, both as a juridical fiction and an empirical reality.

These traditions have nurtured arbitrary ontological distinctions between the Westand the rest

global structures of economic relations and the political processes and29