in

Within a month he’d booked two private events (listed below) and made substantive contact with HR managers at 21 companies.

Phase III: 2011/12 Operations

The minimum wage compensation was $2.15 per hour for tipped employees, and $7.25 per hour for hourly workers.

Westlake closed for renovations in November for four months, but by December Walker, the contractor, was already weeks behind schedule due to the following: •Missed deadline for permit filing: 3 weeks •Delivery of incorrect materials/reorder & redelivery: 2 weeks •Builder staffing shortage: 1 week

Phase II: Renovation (Fall 2010 and Winter 2011) and Grand Opening (Spring 2011)

The existing menu of pizza and mainstream draft beer would be replaced, but Givens did not have the funds to build and run a full-service restaurant facility in the existing space.

Givens recognized that Sugar Bowl possessed an extremely valuable grandfathered asset beyond bowling lanes: a state-issued liquor license and county permit to serve not just beer but the full range of alcoholic beverages.3 But bringing the “right” businesses to the neighborhood was important to residents and government officials. They fought strongly against businesses that posed a threat to the newly cultivated district.

was always thinking about how to shave costs. Who might value the opportunity to work on Sugar Bowl for below-market rates? Two Raleigh universities offered degrees in Architecture and Design. I contacted the deans, proposed our project as an independent study and was contacted by several teams of graduate students willing to work with me for three summer months at no cost in return for academic credit. Though I’d be more involved in the design, I’d save around $90,000 and that was worth it to me.

Burke credited cost-effective online marketing, word of mouth “buzz,” and private event sales efforts with High Rollers’ consistent and robust revenue stream.

Givens anticipated it would take 9 months to a year before Sugar Bowl was operational

Phase I: Preparing for the Transformation (Summer 2010)

Many teens are comfortable sharing their passwords with their parents “in case of an emergency” but expect that their parents will not use them to snoop.

ople I meet tell me, ‘It’s so weird I know everything about you.’ No you don’t! Ninety-five percent of my life is not blogged about.”2

Privacy is not a static construct. It is not an inherent property of any particular information or setting. It is a process by which people seek to have control over a social situation by managing impressions, information flows, and context

Privacy doesn’t just depend on agency; being able to achieve privacy is an expression of agency

Although not all parents and guardians are trying to control their children’s every move, many believe that being a “good” parent means being all-knowing

Encoding content, subtweeting, and otherwise engaging in social steganography offers one strategy for reclaiming agency in an effort to achieve privacy in networked publics. In doing so, teens recognize that limiting access to meaning can be a much more powerful tool for achieving privacy than trying to limit access to the content itsel

When teenagers post encoded messages in a visible way, they are aware that people outside of their intended audience will be curiou

Cryptographers describe this practice of hiding messages in plain sight as steganography

new apps have begun to emerge that call this normative affor-dance into question.

When they think something might be sensitive, they often switch to a different medium, turning to text messages or chat to communicate with smaller audiences directly.

ther to limit the audience who can see what they consider to be mundane conversations on Facebook.

n a site like Facebook, it is far easier to share with all friends than to manipulate the privacy settings to limit the visibility of a particular piece of content to a narrower audience.

Given all of this, teens cannot easily control the flow of information on social media

privacy isn’t necessarily something that they have; rather it is something they are actively and continuously trying to achieve in spite of structural or social barriers that make it difficult to do so.

Privacy is a complex concept without a clear definition.11 Supreme Court Justice Louis Brandeis described privacy as “the right to be let alone,” while legal scholar Ruth Gavison describes privacy as a mea-sure of the access others have to you through information, attention, and physical proximity.

What’s at stake is not whether someone can listen in but whether one should. Eti-quette and politeness operate as a social force that challenges what’s functionally possibl

also wrote about the impor-tance of “civil inattention” in enabling people to respectfully negotiate others in public spaces.

The teens that I met genuinely care about their privacy, but how they understand and enact it may not immediately resonate or appear logical to adults

Although teens grapple with managing their identity and navigat-ing youth-centric communities while simultaneously maintaining spaces for intimacy, they do so under the spotlight of a media ecosys-tem designed to publicize every teen fad, moral panic, and new hyped technology.

In other words, common and long-standing teen practices have historically been sure signs of teens’ unhealthy obsession with, or rejection of, privacy

magnifies

lives

experience

Consider, for example, the widespread concern over internet addic-tion. Are there teens who have an unhealthy relationship with technol-ogy? Certainly. But most of those who are “addicted” to their phones or computers are actually focused on staying connected to friends in a culture where getting together in person is highly constrained

Teens’ efforts to control their self-presentation—often by donning clothing or hairstyles their parents deem socially unacceptable or engaging in practices that their parents deem risky—are clearly related to their larger effort at self-fashioning and personal autonom

Kids Will Be Kids

Thus, much of what people post online is easily spreadable with the click of a few keystrokes.9 Some systems provide simple buttons to “forward,” “repost,” or “share” content to articulated or curated lists.

Although these affordances are not in and of themselves new, their relation to one another because of networked publics creates new opportunities and challenges. They are:•persistence: the durability of online expressions and content;•visibility: the potential audience who can bear witness;•spreadability: the ease with which content can be shared; and•searchability: the ability to find content

Although the underlying structure of physical spaces and the relationships that are enabled by them are broadly understood, both the architecture of networked spaces and the ways they allow people to connect are different.

publi

When early social network sites like Friendster and MySpace launched, they were designed to enable users to meet new people—and, notably, friends of friends—

In addition to referring to various communication tools and platforms, social media also hints at a cultural mindset that emerged in the mid-2000s as part of the technical and business phenomenon referred to as “Web2.0.”

I was in Nashville to talk with teens about how technology had changed their lives.

As we were talking and laughing and exploring Mike’s online vid-eos, Mike paused and turned to me with a serious look on his face. “Can you do me a favor?”