“So what else do you have going for you besides your beauty?”

The former revolutionary perspective is Romantic: it stems from ourGermanic and Celtic roots. The latter is Classical: it stems from our Greekand Roman roots. The former perspective cannot lead to the seizing ofpower; but once power has been seized, it will find its rightful place oncemore.

he Nietzschean view of history, whichLocchi described as ‘spherical’, differs from both the linear and the cyclicalnotions of progress.So what is this view?Let us imagine a sphere, a billiard ball moving in disorderly fashionacross a surface, or moved by the (necessarily imperfect) will of a player:after a number of spins, the same point on the surface of the ball willinevitably touch the cloth. This is the ‘eternal return of theidentical’, but

Themeans of exchange was strictly regulated in accordance with the increasein population and trade and there was zero inflation. Debt-bondagenexum, whereby a free man offered his services as security for a loan +interest, and where in cases of non-payment the debt had to be workedoff, was abolished after Plebian agitation by the lex Poetelia[3]in 326BC.

The Etruscans, a people of Aryanorigin, created one of the most advanced civilisations of that period andbuilt roads, temples and numerous public buildings in Rome.

It combines a dull academism, imposture, an absence of talent,and financial speculation. Instead of aesthetics, the system preferspessimistic or suicidal values of representation, those that come fromchaos and deformity, nonsense, pathological abstraction, regression,infantilism, scatology, a psychotic pornography: the exaltation ofprimitive forms (what the visionary Céline called ‘the tom-tom cult’ or

Europeans are alone responsible for their subjugation.France abandoned de Gaulle’s strategic independence when it participatedin the Gulf War[95] and again when it joined American-led NATO forcesagainst Serbia. No one forced her to do this.

Far from compensating for the decline of an active native workforce,Europe’s colonising immigration will present her with the problemsthat come with unskilled workers and massive welfare payments.Immigrants, moreover, are going to become increasingly moreexpensive (in terms of insecurity, criminality, and urban policy).

Aneconomy based on debt (a monetarist dogma) — and not on labour ornon-market considerations (demographic, ecological, energy, etc.) — isbound to be short-lived.

irst of all, it’s unbridled global free trade that needs to be combatedand not the play of interior market forces within a protected Europeancontinental space. To demonise the ‘market’ plays the game of a scleroticand communising corporatism. Though criticising ‘market society’ and the‘reign of money’, we must not forget that performance, economic energy,and innovation are the principal motors of competition and that themaximisation of gain (not virtue) was — and will always be, whether it isdeplored or not — the basis of dynamism.Criticising ‘market society’ ought not, then, to be a critique of the marketand its liberal principle, but rather an opposition to its possible dictatorshipand to the speculative forces. It’s necessary thus to demand the presence ofa sovereign function to operate above the market — a political decisionism,[69] as well as the correcting mechanisms of social solidarity, to aid those ofour people who cannot subsist solely on the basis of their labour.

We fight only for thecause of our own people’s destiny.