they have the capacity to interfere2. on an arbitrary basis3. in certain choices that the other is in a position to make.

I can only hope that once opponents of thiskind see the full profile of the republican state that I defend, and oncethey perceive that that state will facilitate the realization of the auto-nomy that they treasure, they may be persuaded that there is no needto give the state explicit responsibility for promoting people's personalself-mastery

But in comparingfreedom as non-domination just with the negative ideal of non-interference, I shall also be ignoring those versions of the positive idealof self-mastery that equate it with personal autonomy. And I need tosay something in explanation of this restriction of focu

he same person tries to do both jobs, and all other such exchanges aremade, do you think that does any great harm to the city

hat preservation of the belief that has been inculcated by the lawthrough education about what things and sorts of things are to be feared

And to this class, which seems to be by nature the smallest, belongs ashare of the knowledge that alone among all the other kinds of knowledge 429is to be called wisdom

Then, is there some knowledge possessed by some of the citizens in thecity we just founded that doesn’t judge about any particular matter butabout the city as a whole and the maintenance of good relations, bothinternally and with other cities

mpletely good

establishing of temples, sacrifices, and otherforms of service to gods, daemons, and heroes, the burial of the dead, andthe services that ensure their favor.

he person who is honored andcconsidered clever and wise in important matters by such badly governedcities is the one who serves them most pleasantly, indulges them, flattersthem, anticipates their wishes, and is clever at fulfillling them

erbal or

follows them in everything andfosters their growth, correcting anything in the city that may have gonewrong before—in other words,

o put it briefly, those in charge must cling to education and see thatit isn’t corrupted without their noticing it, guarding it against everything

ut if the wealth of all the cities came to be gathered in asingle one, watch out that it doesn’t endanger your nonwealthy city

Well, then, Adeimantus, don’t you think that one boxer who has hadthe best possible training could easily fight two rich and fat non-boxers?

one of the 421others would keep to the patterns of work that give rise to a city.

we aren’t aiming to makeany one group outstandingly happy but to make the whole city so, as faras possible.

For unlimited authorityin anybody’s grasp was bound, he believed, sooner or later, todestroy somebody.

ery law is an infraction ofUberty’--even if such ‘infraction’ leatls to an increase of the sumof liberty.

“In giving myself toall, I give myself to none’, and get back as much as I lose, withenough new force to preserve my new gains. Kant telis us thatwhen ‘the individual has entirely abandoned his wild, lawlessfreedom, to find it again, unimpaired, in a state of dependenceaccording to law’

Rational menwill respect the principle of reason in each other, and lack alldesire to fight or dominate one another.

esently the two selves may be repre-sented as divided by an even larger gap: the real self may be con-ceived as something wider than the individual (a

wish |&

he desire to be governed by myself, or at any rate toparticipate in the process by which my life is to be controlled,may be as deep a wish as that ofa free area for action, and perhapshistorically older.

Freedominthissenseisnot,atanyratelogically

Itisthatlibertyinthissenseisnotincompatiblewithsomekindsofautocracy,oratanyratewiththeabsenceof self-government.

hesenseofprivacyitself,of thearea ofpersonalrelationshipsassomethingsacredinitsownright,derivesfromaconceptionoffreedomwhich,forallitsreligiousroots,isscarcelyolder,initsdevelopedstate,thantheRenaissanceortheReformation.

Bux both sides agreedthat some portion of human existence must remain independentof the sphere of social control.

o ayoid glaring equality or widespread miseryome, or all, of my freedom! I may do 86ingly and freely: but it is freedom that I am giving up for thesake of justice or equality or the love of my fellow men.

ithout adequateconditions for the use of freedorn, what is the value of freedom

is argued,very plausibly, that ifa man is too poor to afford something onwhich there is no legal ban—a loaf of bread, a journey round theworld, recourse to the law courts~~he is as little free to have it a5he would be if it were forbidden him by law.

Political liberty in thissense is simply the area within which a man can act unobstructedby others, I

lmost every moralist in human history has praised free~dom. Like happiness and goodness, like nature and reality, themeaning of this term is so porous that there is little interpretationthat it seems able to resist.

theyclothe themselves in ideas, remain blind and undirected

heirpracticesoffreedomemphasizeunrulyyetcollaborativepracticesofworldmakingchatarelessaboutfindingrefugethanaboutcultivatingworldsbylivingandflourishingtogether

Freedomcanbepracticedinexploitativewayswhilestillbeing“freedom.”

Upholding neither the moral freedom of virtuous and dutiful individ-ual behavior nor che economic freedom of financial independence, the Decla-tation’s words articulate policical freedom as a collective overthrow of tyrannyto make the world anew through shared and equal power for all participants

because the people practicing aon donot fic neatly into familiar categories of exemplary political subjectivity, orbecause they can thrive in mediocrity and disgust.

gai upends aesthetic theory's focus on the beauciful andiconic by emphasizing the peccy and the trivial, what she terms the “weakerand nastier” realm of aesthetics, and this is the ugliness I draw om whenexamining otherwise discarded practices of freedom: the nonprestigious, theuninvigorating, the seemingly weak.

gly”minorityparticipationinthesocial,andProduce newformsofsociality thatdidnotrelyonaesthetic hierarchies

aefreedompracticedthroughgunownershipconstructspoliticalrelationshipsthroug

Uglinessinvokedthediscomfortingpresenceofthedeviantigniiaurywheijectthatsignifiedrectitude,symmetry,anthingnexttotheobject¢"pruneiiibbedupagainst thosedeemeundesirablebodies andpracticesru!Seeith!

or freedom is ugly not only when it legitimates mass harm but also whenits practitioners and tenets disregard these harms to uphold freedom as analways celebrated virtue.

Rather than disavowing this dynamic to discardsubjugating freedoms as either insincerity or false consciousness, | take theambivalence and violence of freedom’s expression seriously. Ugly Freedomsde-idealizes freedom and its entailments.

ut systems of domination like imperialism or capitalism have alsounfolded in freedom’s name. Capitalism’s economic exploitation is justifiedas an engine of freedom for individual and global prosperity, and imperialcontrol of other states is understood by its practitioners to bring freedomto unfree peoples. Freedom is not the overarching driving force that consti-tutes these different systems of power, but its tenets are capacious enoughto justify each one of them.

Wateristransformedintoaninstrumentoftortureby thesyringenozzle,andinthisformitprovidesa“tasteofliberty.”