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    1. The sharp division that exists between immigrant and U.S.-born youth is a striking feature, particularly when one considers that many of the U.S.-born students have parents and grandparents who are from Mexico. However, such divisions have been observed among Mexican adults as well (Rodriguez & Nunez, 1986). This discussion should not be taken to mean that immigrants should not be accorded their much-needed, and often deficient, language support systems. I simply want to express that the broader Mexican community's collective interest to achieve academically gels co

      It’s kind of crazy how even within the same community, these divisions get reinforced by schools. Immigrant students might get support for language, which is important, but at the same time, U.S.born students can end up at a disadvantage just because of how the system sorts and treats them. It shows that schools aren’t just neutral spaces, they actively shape who gets opportunities and who falls behind, and that can end up weakening the collective success of the whole community.

    2. Finally, quantitative evidence points to significantly higher academic achievement among immigrants than among U.S.-born youth located in the regular track. Though not controlling for curriculum track placement, other scholars have observed this tendency among Mexican and Central American students

      It shows that immigrant students often do really well academically, but I think it is important to look at the bigger picture. Their success might not just be about individual effort or assimilation. It could also be shaped by the schools and systems they navigate, which might favor certain behaviors, cultural values, or even language skills. At the same time, focusing only on individual achievement ignores the ways the system can advantage some students while making it harder for others. A critical look can help reveal how schools reward certain kinds of adaptation and resilience, and also highlight what supports or changes are needed to help all students succeed, not just the ones who fit the expected mold.

    3. First, students' parental education levels are very low, hovering around nine years of schooling completed for third-generation students.5 Though hight::r tlia11 the average for parents of first-generation respondents (i.e., six. years of schooling), a "high" of nine for the U.S.-born population means that parents have little educational "advantage" co confer to their children (L

      This really puts things into perspective. It shows how much of an uphill battle some students face before they even get to school. If parents only have a few years of schooling, they might not have the tools or experience to guide their kids through academic challenges. It also makes me think about how schools need to step in and provide support that these students might not be getting at home, because expecting them to succeed without that foundation is setting them up for more obstacles.