he Monterey Park hills with only mediocre grades, who on several occa-sions had paid Alan to write his papers for him because he was “too lazy” to do them himself. Howard’s professed belief that he too could have got-ten into Berkeley or UCLA if he was “Mexican” perpetuated stereotypes of Mexican Americans as inherently academically defi cient, indicating that he believed Alan could only have gained admitt ance under special cir-cumstances.58 Th e second incident involved Alan’s best friend, who was Chinese American: “When we graduated from eighth grade, he wrote in my yearbook that I was . . . the only smart Mexican he knew, or the smart-est Mexican he knew. And I kind of felt like, that sucks, you know, why would he say that? And then I thought about it, and I was like, well, I was one of the few in the class

One’s race is not irrelevant but integral. A conception of racialized privilege, like theorizations of white racial privilege, must also take into consideration deep historical contexts, structural forces, and durable material benefi ts, all of which taken together can ultimately lead to substantial increases in life opportunities as well as insulation from “group- diff erentiated vulnerabilities to premature death.”44 While a conception of Asian American privilege can never be the same as white privilege, which is based on historical and material legacies of white supremacy that are still enacted and perpetuated on an everyda

High in the mid- 1980s, believed that curricular tracking infl uenced social cliques to the degree that “they usually never mixed. Th ey were like traveling on two diff erent planes within the same geographic location.” He recalled being almost the only Asian American in the “industrial arts” (shop) class: “all the kids in that class were from Alhambra” (as opposed to the wealthier Monterey Park hills) and “mostly Mexican guys.” Th e class w

The sharp division that exists between immigrant and U.S.-born youth is a striking feature, particularly when one considers that many of the U.S.-born students have parents and grandparents who are from Mexico. However, such divisions have been observed among Mexican adults as well (Rodriguez & Nunez, 1986). This discussion should not be taken to mean that immigrants should not be accorded their much-needed, and often deficient, language support systems. I simply want to express that the broader Mexican community's collective interest to achieve academically gels co

Finally, quantitative evidence points to significantly higher academic achievement among immigrants than among U.S.-born youth located in the regular track. Though not controlling for curriculum track placement, other scholars have observed this tendency among Mexican and Central American students

First, students' parental education levels are very low, hovering around nine years of schooling completed for third-generation students.5 Though hight::r tlia11 the average for parents of first-generation respondents (i.e., six. years of schooling), a "high" of nine for the U.S.-born population means that parents have little educational "advantage" co confer to their children (L