the poorer, darker-skinned Peruvians who studied theremight have some connection to subversive groups, hence middle- andupper-class students from universities like La Católica would do best toavoid associating with them in order to avoid any problems with theauthorities

As the case was being pursued incivil court, pro-regime legislators gutted the trial by passing a law relo-cating the case to military courts, a violation of judicial autonomy. Whenthe military court convicted a few Colina Group operatives for the crimes,Congress engineered an amnesty law in 1995 to free them

“neopopu-lism” has been widely used to describe the unmediated nature of therelationship Fujimori cultivated with the masses and to explain the sur-prising coupling of a populist leadership style with neoliberal econom-ics

The resultwas a growing “common sense”favoring heavy-handed and extralegalsolutions to the problem of violence and economic chaos.

Sendero Luminoso, the Maoist guerrilla movement that launched a“prolonged popular war” against the Peruvian state in 1980, becamenotorious for its attacks against the civilian population

The new alliance of left-wingparties, the Izquierda Unida (IU),

Yet the ease with which the Fujimoriregime later co-opted many of these groups into its vast patronage net-works that gave (or withheld) material benefits in exchange for politicalsupport highlights such organizations’ extreme vulnerability to exter-nal forces, particularly the state

the rise of the informal economy also weakened the power of labor

Violence and the fear it engendered reorderedpolitical and social meanings in Peru, creating a “culture of fear” in whichcitizens willingly surrendered rights in exchange for the promise of orderand stability.

Clientelisticrelationships were used to build regime support and simultaneously toundercut autonomous organizations and opposition groups. And theregime’s use of fear and intimidation kept opposition groups disorga-nized and on the defensive, and hence incapable of mounting a chal-lenge to the authoritarian practices of the Fujimori regime.

“Anyone whospeaks out [in protest] is [considered to be] a terrorist”

instrumentalization of fear

examining the ways in which the Fujimori regime exercised state powerto ensure that civil society remained disorganized and hence unable toarticulate an effective oppositional discourse and politics

economic crisis of the 1980s and the government’s introduction ofneoliberal reforms in the 1990s

By locating the source of weakness in factors endogenousto the opposition, it fails to grapple with the complex interactions be-tween the state, political society, and civil society that might provide amore complete understanding of the state of civil society in Peru in the1990s.

In this context, social mobilization burst onto the scene to contest thelegitimacy of the electoral process and of Fujimori’s third term. Frommiddle-class feminists to working-class moms, from soup kitchen orga-nizers to university students, from urban shantytown dwellers to peas-ant federation members, thousands of people took to the streets duringthe contested first round of elections in April 2000, and again for threeconsecutive days on July 26, 27, and 28, to protest Fujimori’s inaugura-tion to a third term in office. What made this social mobilization so re-markable was that for the previous decade, social protest had been scarce.

The tragedy of Indian success stemmed ultimately from the way it secured the participation of a defeated people in its own oppression.

More often, lesser or aspiring elites sought to gain or extend footholds in the countryside of Huanta, Angaraes, and Vilcashuaman by marry-ing Indian women

all had Spanish relatives or friends

Their economic welfare came to depend primarily upon their capacity to privatize interests in a commer-cial setting:

Artisanry exerted a special ap-peal precisely because it offered the surest path to economic improve-ment and independence. Prospective apprentices flocked to cities to find artisans willing to teach them a trade in exchange for their labors.

The bur-den of such schemes and the reduced quotas of legal mitas and tributes fell most heavily on the least powerful and poorest segments of native so-ciety

Tributary status did not apply to independent women heads of household, and women accounted for over a third (35.8 per-cent) of Indian purchases or rentals of property.

To avoid dependence on a European overlord, a forastero might seek a livelihood in a new Indian community setting.4 But earning the ac-ceptance of foreign ayllus might entail new kinship bonds, or payments of rent for land-use rights, which limited accumulation

"semasiographic" writing—texts that, unlike written English,Chinese, and Maya, are not representations of spoken languag

three-dimensional binary code,unlike any other form of writing on earth

—parsed the knots both by inspecting them visually and by running theirfingers a l o ng them, Braille-style, sometimes accompanying this by manipulat-ing black and white ston

With this way of doing things, none of them con-sidered it hard work even if they spent their whole life in the mines, and none of them died from overwork. Besides, they were permitted to stop work several days in the month for their feasts and recreation; and the same Indians were not continuously in the mines, but every so often they were sent away and others came in their place.

the taxation is carried out with moderation so that the Indians can be free and masters of their per-son and property, without other taxes or tributes than the levy on each settlement. I shall go into this later on in more detail.

Uc was the name for the figure one; chungafor ten; pachacafor 100; huarangafor 1,000; hunofor 1,000,000; and pantacac huno for infinity

The messengers with a trumpet worked in relays, one chasqui relieving another after a distance of just under two miles.

Even with strong cognitive defenses, it's hard to escape the emotional pull of the America syndrome. It's manipulated by politicians, invoked by the mass media, and stoked by jeremiads that make us alternately into sinners and saints.

Grades don’t prepare children for the “real world”

Infact, negative reactions to this proposal (“It’s unrealistic!”) point up how grades functionas a mechanism for controlling students rather than as a necessary or constructive wayto report information about their performance

First, they can stop putting letter ornumber grades on individual assignments and instead offer only qualitative feedback.

Rather, “it is a symbol offailure — failure to teach well, failure to test well, and failure to have any influence at allon the intellectual lives of students

CarolDweck

hey’ll choose a shorter book, or aproject on a familiar topic, in order to minimize the chance of doing poorly — notbecause they’re “unmotivated” but because they’re rational.

Shamefaced, she explained that, despite my obvious foreign appearance, each woman suspected that I was associ- ated with the widely feared intelligence service

Second, many wanted to consult their families before responding to some of the questions

A distinct lan- guage was being "spoken" through everyday materials and nonalphabetic imagery

But in Peru in the mid-1980s, an armed struggle begun earlier in the remote southern highlands was spreading, with increasingly tragic consequences.

Yanacocha claims legal ownership of Máxima’s land while Máxima says she never sold any of her land to the company, and the land deeds bear her name

women feel the negative impacts more

One year later, and the family was still suffering intimidation: on 5 February 2016 Máxima’s home was again stormed by security forces, this time to destroy her crop of potatoes.

Yanacocha is the largest gold mine in Latin America and fourth largest in the world

Yanacocha mine on the area’s water quality found traces of lead, arsenic, cyanide and mercury in the drinking water, linked to the rising rates of gastrointestinal cancer amongst residents of Cajamarca

maintaining the criterion of ‘first come, first served’ would amount to a decision to exclude late-arriving patients from access to intensive care

an age limit for access to intensive care.

maximizing benefits for the largest number,

“Informed by the principle of maximizing benefits for the largest number,” they suggest that “the allocation criteria need to guarantee that those patients with the highest chance of therapeutic success will retain access to intensive care.”

published guidelines

wartime triage

"It is the demeanor that is difficult. If there is work to be done, disciples shoulder the burden, and when wine and food are served, elders are given precedence, but surely filial piety con­sists of more than this."

People today think of 'learning' as the pursuit of knowledge, whereas the ancients thought of 'learning' as cultivating the self."

mastering the basics, discussing them with fellow students and working hard at mastering them, and finally becoming a teacher of others.

learning (xue *) has more to do with actual behavior than academic theory,

BOOK ONE

YoushedtearsoverfallenHungary,andmakethesadstoryofherwrongsthethemeofyourpoets,statesmen,andorators,tillyourgallantsonsarereadytoflytoarmstovindicatehercauseagainsttheoppressor;but,inregardtothetenthousandwrongsoftheAmericanslave,youwouldenforcethestrictestsilence,andwouldhailhimasanenemyofthenationwhodarestomakethosewrongsthesubjectofpublicdiscourse!

Butaboveandbeyondthis,itfedhisvanitybecauseitassociatedhimwiththemasters.

thatis,therewereactuallymorewhitepeopletopolicetheslavesthantherewereslaves.

theNegroeswereprotectedbyacertainprimitivesortofold-agepension,jobinsurance,andsicknessinsur-ance;thatis,theymustbesupportedinsomefashion,whentheyweretoooldtowork;theymusthaveattentioninsickness,fortheyrepre-sentedinvestedcapital;andtheycouldneverbeamongtheunem-ployed.

Itwasthesubmergencebelowthearbitrarywillofanysortofindividual.

Itwasinpartpsychological,theenforcedpersonalfeelingofinferiority,thecallingofanotherMaster;thestandingwithhatinhand.Itwasthehelplessness.Itwasthede-fenselessnessoffamilylife

InConnecti-cuttheyweredisfranchisedin1814;in1865thisrestrictionwasre-tained,andNegroesdidnotregaintherightuntilaftertheCivilWar.

AsslaverygrewtoasystemandtheCottonKingdombegantoexpandintoimperialwhitedomination,afreeNegrowasacontra-diction,athreatandamenace.Asathiefandavagabond,hethreat-enedsociety;butasaneducatedpropertyholder,asuccessfulmechanicorevenprofessionalman,hemorethanthreatenedslavery.Hecon-tradictedandunderminedit.Hemustnotbe.Hemustbesuppressed,enslaved,colonized.Andnothingsobadcouldbesaidabouthimthatdidnoteasilyappearastruetoslaveholders.

InthestatescarvedoutoftheSouthwest,theyweredisfranchisedassoonasthestatecameintotheUnion,althoughinKentuckytheyvotedbetween1792and1799,andTennesseeallowedfreeNegroestovoteinherconstitutionof1796.InNorthCarolina,whereevendisfranchisement,in1835,didnotapplytoNegroeswhoalreadyhadtherighttovote,itwassaidthattheseveralhundredNegroeswhohadbeenvotingbeforethenusu-allyvotedprudentlyandjudiciously.

Theirslaverywasamatterofbothraceandsocialcondition,buttheconditionwaslimitedanddeterminedbyrace.Theywerecongenitalwardsandchildren,tobewell-treatedandcaredfor,butfarhappierandsaferherethanintheirownland.

newcitieswerebuiltontheresultsofblacklabor,andanewlaborproblem,involvingallwhitelabor,arosebothinEuropeandAmerica.

Ini860,atleast90%werebornintheUnitedStates,13%werevisiblyofwhiteaswellasNegrodescentandactuallymorethanone-fourthwereprobablyofwhite,IndianandNegroblood.

fhebelievesthattheNegroinAmericaandingeneralisanaverageandordinaryhumanbeing,whoundergivenenvironmentdevelopslikeotherhumanbeings,thenhewillreadthisstoryandjudgeitbythefactsadduced.If,however,heregardstheNegroasadistinctlyinferiorcreation,whocanneversuccessfullytakepartinmoderncivilizationandwhoseemancipationandenfranchisementweregesturesagainstnature,thenhewillneedsomethingmorethanthesortoffactsthatIhavesetdown.