here was, of course, someintersectional awareness, primarily on the part of those who pointed to the classdimensions of being a Harvard Professor while Black either as evidence of the rel-atively undifferentiated vulnerability to racial profiling or, in the alternative, asevidence of the wide gulf between what happens to elite African Americans andwhat happens to the masses.*

heirhopes that the teachable moment might create a more lasting dialogue werebolstered by President Obama’s momentary acknowledgment of the doing-anything-while-Black phenomenon,® but these expectations were quicklydownshifted once the matter was reframed as an unfortunate misunderstandingthat could be patched up over a couple of beers in the White House Rose Garden.Notwithstanding the fact that the president has steered clear of this issue eversince, it is fair to say that the Black community was utterly caught up in the impli-cations of the arrest,** even as opinions about what Professor Gates did do or shouldhave done ran the gamut from support to critique

he intersectional concerns and frames thathad been made so apparent in the context of earlier debates pertaining to genderviolence helped illuminate not only the connections between violence against womenand incarceration but, more broadly, the various ways that intersectionality couldbe said to be at work. In what might be framed as a co-constitutive engagement,many of the symposium’s participants deployed intersectional analysis to help framethe varying relationships among race, gender, and mass incarceration, and theserelationships helped illuminate certain dimensions of intersectionality.

the claim to rights that were experienced by the indenturedin the Caribbean, echo today throughout discussions about human trafficking and‘modern slavery’, where it is also widely acknowledged that the majority of ‘traffickedvictims’ or ‘slaves’ are defined as being bound to specific types and terms of work,often through a debt, 34 retain basic citizenship rights in their countries of originand can make claims to a range of human rights, even while they may be deniedrights as (im)migrants at the new sites of work

Around half a million Indian workers replaced enslaved Africans onCaribbean plantations in this period with the majority in Guyana, Trinidad andSuriname, others in Jamaica, Guadeloupe, Grenada and French Guiana.

With the expansion of the land-gobbling sugar plantation and the turn to Africafor a seemingly endless and more controlled labour supply, the promise of land aswell as future work for the former indentured evaporated, leaving a mostly‘un(der)employed, poor and propertyless population’.12 White, landless, formerlyindentured workers sought to re-indenture themselves, tried to migrate elsewhere,or eked out a living in the marginal spaces.