ths. The increasing use of texts in education, scholarly studies, and public administration seems to have reached a critical point in the third century b.c.e., when the collections of such documents became conceived of as a thing, a library, which by the second century b.c.e. is articulated as such.

We can see from the wills of the Peripatetic scholarchs that at Athens there was no conception of a library during most of the third ce

that the word was a poetic coinage; i.e., a word that was intelligible, but not in common usage

75 Rather, a library was a thing recognized as a particular physical and social institution. And though there was no uniform meaning for a library over space and time, we can still get the general outlines of what constituted a library as a discrete concept in the Greek and Roman worlds: a space conceptually centered around the storage and use of

If the use (usus) of the library (as for the study) demands light, the obvious reason would be so that one could read and write there.

Yet now that it is clear from recent excavations that the library did not open onto a courtyard (as Weber s plan suggested) but rather faced out to sea, the similarity falls away.58 Absent the books, the library of the Villa of the Papyri would resemble more or less closely any other room in any other luxury villa

in the House of the Menander is open to question.

int is that it was not Aristotle's Lyceum. John Lynch has pointed out that the Lyceum was a public sanctuary, where it was forbid- den for anyone to own pro

e.30 Christian Callmer used the will of Theophrastus to outline the features of the Lyceum, but the document cannot serve as a guide.31 Theophrastus died around 287/86 b.c.e., and there is reason to suspect that the area underwent quite a few changes in the thirty- five years between Aristotles death and his o

In general, a gymnasium complex usually included a running track and space for wrestling, and often places for disrobing, oiling, and bathing. The open spaces of the track and the palaestra might be enclosed by a covered walkway, and the rooms for disrobing, etc., often lined the outside of the walkwa

lems. In fact, we have almost no information about the Lyceum in the time of Aristotle, and his books were unlikely to have been kept there in a

All these libraries are typical of the "Roman library" layout: a large hall or halls with niches for bookshelves. Unlike the "Greek library," any book- related activities would have taken place in the same room as the books, and not outside in a colonnade or exedra.

The first public library for which we have any evidence, the Palatine Apollo library, had a similar layout: rooms off of a colo

e is the library of the Villa of the Papyri in Herculaneum, which boasts a rare example of a library from antiquity discovered with books still i

House of the Menander in Pompeii

The activity of Aratus may indicate that there was some sort of royal library there in the third century b.c.e., and likewise the report that Aemilius Paullus took books of King Perseus back to Rome with him after his victory in 168 b.c.e.

e, who died in 322 b.c.e., a generation before the Ptolemies, could not have taught them anything, except by exa

ral form: a "Greek library" was a small room or rooms off a colonnade (as it had been in gymnasia like the Lyceum), whereas a "Roman library" involved a large reading room that held both books and book-related ac

ing the "traditi

a brief overview of the traditional narrative of the history and architecture of ancient libraries, followed by a demonstration why it should be set aside and how it arose in the first

diachroni

ONE FINDS AN OVERARCHING NARRATIVE IN MOST HISTORIES OF THE ANCIENT libra

Work Cited

Figure 5 is a map that depicts the Sarmatian empire, who, according to Herodotus, established themselves east of the Scythians in the 5th century BCE and were similar to their neighbors in character.

it peace

the zenith

This map illustrates the extent of the Scythian empire’s reach. By trading with other civilizations they were able to culturally influence their neighbors.

author of the book

without.

ons is leading classical scholars to acknowledge that some Greek beliefs about Ama-zons were influenced by women who shared the same activities as men in the nomadic cultures of Eurasia

Male archers and Amazons wearing Scythian- style costumes became favorite subjects on Athenian vases by 575 BC.

The ancient Persians called this narrow defile Dar- e Alan, “Gate of the Alans” (Daryal Pass), after one of the nomadic tribes of Scythia. The other difficult and longer passage, some-times called the “Caspian Gates

The Scythian Gates (or Keyhole)

Excavations of grave mounds (kur-gans) began in the 1870s,

he Saka- Scythians, Thracians, Sarmatians, and kindred groups left no written histories.

Amazons were warlike women of Scythia

on their own without men— inspired countless “what if ” scenarios

t is easy to see how these commonsense, routine fea-tures of nomad life could lead outsiders like the Greeks— who kept fe-males dependent on males— to glamorize steppe women as mythic Amazons.

No aspect of Scythian culture unsettled the Greeks more than the status of women

Royal Scythians” had come to reside in wagons or settlements clus-tered around the northeastern Black Sea– Don area, taking up agricul-ture and trade, facilitating exchange between Greece and points along the Silk Routes to Asia

Their common material culture, the “Scythian Triad” of distinctive weap-ons, horses, and artistic “animal- style” motifs, is evident in archaeological artifacts in burials from the Carpathian Mountains to northern China. Grave goods demonstrate far- reaching trade among these groups.

but the terms Scythia and Scythians, the names used by the ancient Greeks, are convenient catchall terms to refer to the diverse yet culturally similar nomadic and seminomadic groups of Eurasia to western China. Modern historians and archaeolo-gists use “Scythian” to refer to the vast territory characterized in antiq-uity by the horse-centered nomad warrior lifestyle marked by similar warfare and weapons, artistic motifs, gender relations, burial practices, and other cultural features.

The Greeks call them Scythians,” wrote Herodotus; the Persians called them Saka (Chinese names in-cluded Xiongnu, Yuezhi, Xianbei, and Sai). “

or the Greeks, “Scythia” stood for an extensive cultural zone of a great many loosely connected nomadic and seminomadic ethnic and language groups

In Far Scythia, nomadic prospectors braved the des-ert wilderness to reach secret gold sands guarded by fantastic beaked monsters called griffins.

Under the influence of intoxicating clouds of burn-ing hemp, they buried dead companions with their favorite horses and fabulous golden treasures under earthen mounds scattered across the featureless steppes.

the men and women spent their lives astride tough ponies and nourished their babies with mare’s milk.

The intense cultural exchange of the period is most impressively demonstrated at Begram, 60 kilom-eters north of Kabul. The site controls the main north – south route to Central Asia. Excavations in a small, 35 ×60 meter “ palace ” furnished a spectacular col-lection of artifacts. Ivories from India and lacquer work from China were found alongside painted and millefi ori glass from the Mediterranean as well as fi nely executed gypsum tondi representing gods, humans, and animals from Alexandria in Egypt.

The Arsacid period witnessed an enormous surge in the intensity of the trade that connected Mesopotamia and the Mediterranean with China via the steppes and with India along the coast and across the Indian Ocean. Exchange along the Central Asian caravan routes, the “ silk road, ”

The design, organization, and maintenance of these large systems must have depended on strong supra - local administration. T

As surveys have conclusively demonstrated, settlement and irrigation reached unprec-edented levels in Babylonia during the Arsacid period

Its internal structure is refl ected in coinage, settlement systems, representations of offi cials, and military installations.

On the contrary, in architecture as in tombs and burial practices, reliefs, and pottery, local traditions are clearly present and differences between strongly Hellenized city centers such as Susa and sites in the countryside are marked.

One of the most impressive Arsacid sites known is Qaleh Yazdigird, situated on a hill overlooking the main route from Babylonia to the Iranian plateau on the western fl anks of the Zagros Mountains. A huge enclosure surrounds the site. Residential units and a well - preserved palace have been partly cleared. More than 300 stucco panels, reliefs, and fi gurative capitals, dating to the late 2nd – 3rd century AD, were recovered from the walls and columns of the palace.

The large urban centers of Babylonia, Seleucia - on - the - Tigris, Babylon, Nippur, and Uruk provide ample evidence of Arsacid material culture.

References to Central Asian architecture are found in the “ Round Hall, ” part of a complex structure of several buildings grouped around a central courtyard. The walls of a circular hall (dia. 17 meters) inside a 30 meter wide square build-ing were standing to a height of 4 meters when excavated.

The monumental “ Square House ” furnished a splendid collection of c.40 ivory rhyta which display Greek mytho-logical scenes and deities

The earliest known capital was at Nisa in Turkmenistan

Arsacid - period architecture at Hatra and Nineveh, stucco and slipper - shaped glazed coffi ns at Uruk and Susa, as well as rock reliefs in Iran, were among the fi rst archaeological remains documented in the Near and Middle East

Even if there had been any specifi c nomadic residue in social practices or organization at this time, which is doubtful, it became overshadowed by the urbanized imperial setting.

But neither the title “ king ” nor the right to mint coins necessarily implied independence. Rather, they entailed submission with certain rights and duties under the aptly titled “ king of kings

The transition to empire was mainly connected to internal turmoil and the demise of Seleucid power following the death of Antiochus IV

Iranian character of “ the Parthians, ” this view has created a negative image of the Arsacid Empire as a loosely or rather poorly organized entity with a weak central government which, even after centuries of being based in Mesopotamian and other metropolises, still adhered to ancient nomadic traditions

Due to the scarcity of indigenous written sources, reconstructions of Arsacid history depend on Roman author

Notable exceptions are the astronomical diaries from Babylon and some archives from Babylon, Nippur, and Uruk, which offer succinct information on the early years of Arsacid rule in Babylonia

A second reason for neglect is the limited number of written sources.

Conceptualized as superfi cially Hellenized barbarians, they attracted little interest among Classical scholars

The fi rst reason is the privileged role of cuneiform in Near Eastern studies, which has limited interest in the post - Alexandrian East.

The Arsacid Empire was founded in the mid - 3rd century BC and lasted until c. AD226

oasis settlements.

The Location and Geography of Parthia Empire

Map of Bactrian Trade Routes in the 1st century BCE

Bactria laid at the crossroads of trade routes that went from here to Iran, India and China. Incense, spices and fabrics were brought from India, and silk, iron, nickel and furs were brought from China. Greco-Bactrian coins were in circulation far beyond the kingdom itself; they are found, in particular, in Eastern Europe.

Gold coin of Diodotus I king of Bactria, c. 245 BC. The Greek inscription reads: “ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ ΔΙΟΔΟΤΟΥ” – “(of) King Diodotus”. Cabinet des Medailles, Paris.

According to Holt

Its strategic geographic location near the crossroads of three continents had a great effect on the history of Bactria. The land was a large plain through which ran Silk Road. Anyone traveling to the Hellenistic empires from India or China would have had to cross it when going to sell their wares. Incense, spices, and fabrics were brought from India, and silk, iron, nickel, and furs were brought from China. As a consequence, Greco-Bactrian coins were in circulation far beyond the kingdom itself; they were found even in Eastern Europe. There was also gold, silver, and lapis to be found in the mountains. This location made Bactria a valuable province for rulers to capture.

The land was a large plain through which ran Silk Road.

Tattoos made in Scythian style can be distinguished by the characteristic motifs easily: this wave, crosses, swastikas, composed of flowers of tridents cruciform shape. Besides, very popular in the Scythian wearable images are floral designs of leaves, buds, flowers arranged in any geometric pattern or a geometric figure.

Fragment of mummified skin showing a Scythian tattoo. © The State Hermitage Museum, St Petersburg, 2017. Photo: V Terebenin.

Artifacts in the Met Museum

Perspectives from Greek Authors

This specific text outlines the amount of land Scythia covers and which other nations and peoples border them. It talks a bit about the important geographical points about the region such as what features surround them and how easily they can travel to their neighboring nations.

written by Herodotus, an historian in ancient Greece. He was an important historian and was said to have invented that field of study.

According to Herodotus

They controlled much of the area that is now the modern Ukraine.

Arrhidaios, now calledPhilip III, was recognized as king, but provision was made for a jointkingship should Roxane bear a son, naming Perdikkas and Leonnatosas the child’s potential guardians.

Ptolemy suggested that the council itself should govern the empire,exercising royal authority without a king, and await the outcome ofRoxane’s pregnancy before making any other decision regarding thesuccession.

The only other dynastic choice was Alexan-der’s half brother, Arrhidaios, who was reputedly mentally or emotion-ally incompetent.

Over the previous year, half of the twentyprovincial governors (satraps) had either already been executed for trea-son and malfeasance or were awaiting that fate, which hamstrung thenormal machinery of government. The leading figures of the last decadewere all gone, dead from the strains and conditions of the campaignsthemselves or executed in the intrigues of court politics.

Worse, he had failed toprovide for any succession