The confluence of Spanish, French, and Indian peoples in the areas later known as Co-manchería, Apachería, Spanish Texas, and French Louisiana makes them an ideal venue for exploring the forms that traffic in women might take and the kinds of currency that women might represent to Indian and European men who exchanged them.

The scholarly focus on mediation and accommodation as women’s characteristic activ-ity in Indian-European relations often leads us to overlook the importance of women in political economies of war and imperial rivalry.

In seeking to redeem the humanity of such women and to recognize their im-portant roles in trade and diplomacy, scholars have often equated agency with choice, independent will, or resistance and de-emphasized the powerlessness, objectification, and suffering that defined the lives of many.

women thus consigned to “per-dition” by “such cruel captivity,”

Men hunted because the first man had been responsible for providing his family with meat. Women farmed because Selu first gave birth to corn in the storehouse and then became the source of corn, which the Chero-kees called selu; for all Indians.

On occasion, men could be found in fields, the realm of women, and sometimes women went on the winter hunt or even to war, normal pursuits of men.

They knew little about each other's lives because any intrusion, any crossing of boundaries, involved a certain amount of danger.

Assign them to post one or two links a week to a connection they have observed or discovered.

Write down the most important thing they learned that day, and why it matters to them or to society. List one way in which the day’s course content manifests itself on campus or in their home lives. Identify a television show, film, or book that somehow illustrates a course concept from class. Describe how today’s course material connects to last week’s.

Commonplace books can serve the same function for students today as they did for people hundreds of years ago

pository in which people could record passages from their favorite books, treasured quotations and epigrams, inspirational Bible verses, recipes, thoughts, and almost anything else that the person wanted to preserve or remember.

The more connections they can create, the more they can begin to formulate their own ideas and gain a wider view of our fields.

By contrast, new learners tend to have information, ideas, or skills lodged in their minds in discrete, isolated places. Connections that seem obvious to us may never occur to them.

When we are deeply embedded in our intellectual pursuits, the world seems to orient itself around them.

I’m sure I am not the first or only person who believes in cutting up papers to emphasize organization, strong thesis statements, and good topic sentences,

Does the Offer of College Counseling the Summer After High School Mitigate Attrition Among College-Intending Low-Income High School Graduates?

igh schools can provide counseling and automatic, electronic reminders during the summer to assist students with college preparations while colleges can provide summer bridge programs to help students acclimate to college life socially and academically.

the practicality of using these ideas, day-by-day, in a class of twenty-five students is debatable.

I experience time very linearly, and have an excellent sense of how much time is passing when I’m working on a given task.

This is formative assessment, where you provide feedback to help students understand where they did well and where they can be stronger, but don’t attach a grade.

In both areas I saw remarkable growth.

Fillpot provided the O –  for observe, a step that came before contextualization in which teachers and students could thoroughly summarize what they saw, read, or heard. 

IG: Mandaban, por ejemplo, de las ciudades grandes a las rancherías o a los pueblos pequeños algunas listas a los presidentes municipales y el presidente municipal hablaba con las personas que en si eran de los más pobres o personas que eran más conocidos de los presidentes y ya cada uno nos daba a saber que había un lugar para si queríamos venir a Estados Unidos. Por ejemplo en mi caso fue a mi abuelito al que le dieron a saber un número si quería venir a Estados Unidos, pero él estaba mayor y yo en ese tiempo era un joven de dieciocho años. Y ya él me dijo que si yo quería venir, había la oportunidad. Y así fue como yo vine a dar aquí a Estados Unidos.

IG: Cuando yo empecé a trabajar pos más o menos alrededor de diez años.

And, most importantly, we need to remember we are standing in her field, her land, and her sovereign nation.

thus it seems reasonable that the landed sovereignty there may serve as a starting point for discussion of Indian sovereignty in other regions of the continent. E

A place name “is not a named dot on a map; it is grounded history, experience fused to ter-rain, events constantly recurring and always present.”102

Just as mirages made Apache and Comanche mastery of the Llano Estacado more challenging and made Spanish assertions of dominion more hazardous, scholars too must heed the optical illusions that have elided the native geog-raphies grounding sovereignty across early America.

Apaches “can travel through the land as they please”; it was Spaniards who were imperiled when they left San Antonio de Béxar.89Comanche women traveled with confidence equal to or greater than that of their Apache counterparts.

As one governor of Texas, Domingo Cabello, inelegantly put it, “they have a systemof wandering from one place to another,” explaining that Comanches sub-divided depending on the suitability of land to support their divisions and the need for individual groups to be in different places to ensure full use of trade and resource bases, whose products served reciprocal interests among rancherías.88

Ranchería locations might also serve as border defense: one was strategically placed at the Concho River headwaters—the boundary between Apache and Comanche territory during the mid-eighteenth century—to prevent (or give the alarm about) Comanche entry into Apache lands.86

hough they consolidated for raids, warfare, and diplo-macy, their dispersed family bands each had rancherías from which they controlled individual hunting territories; in a sense, they were spreading out their landholding.

Their own speed and that of their horses ensured the rapid mobility needed to defend land and family, Cortés con-tinued, arguing: “it is impossible to imagine how quickly they strike their camp when they have detected superior enemy forces in their vicinity.”

They also planted tree saplings with split trunks as a marker for water sources and tied down saplings in a particular direction to signal a path or watering hole.

t was Apaches and Comanches, not Europeans, who defined the boundaries of most of the region from the Rio Grande to the Great Plains as well as the borders of Spanish Texas, Coahuila, and New Mexico.

A lack of extant Indian maps does not indicate a lack of territoriality or sovereign borders among nations, since Indians easily pro-duced them when Europeans asked. Yet outlines drawn in dirt or sketches on bark or hide were secondary—for the foreigners’ benefit—to the true sense of geopolitical and geographic knowledge that lay in stored memory and oral instructions.

“territories were claimed, and extent was measured by distance, travel time, and landmarks.”

“that had nothing barbarous but the name.”4

San José y San Miguel de Aguayo, they toured the boundaries and water resources, ritually pulling up grass, throwing rocks, and slicing branches from the brush to sig-nal their possession.

The longest-lasting missionary settlements in Texas arose at a place known as Yanaguana, used by Payayas and their neighbors. Spaniards might have called it San Antonio de Béxar, but a customary sense of home place prevailed in determining Indian views.

Missionary maps often ignored native geography, detailing instead atomized cities, villages, and dwellings as locations where they might find potential converts.

Joutel thus understood that hunting territories were lim-ited and that they used rivers and woods as boundary markers.

During that time Spaniards consistently distinguished among the five groups by language and culture, even as they regularly mixed and interacted with one another in seasonal summer ranges.

Scholars have shown a reluctance to ascribe homelands to such mobile hunting and gathering bands, conflating nomadism with landlessness and defining hunter-gatherers not by what they had but by what they lacked.

The routes were well known and well marked, for those who could read the signs.18

Success lay in stick-ing close to Indian highways, whose routes reflected reasoned geographic study (or sound geographic reasoning).

Remarkably, every such stopping place also offered good pasturage (for horses), timber (for fuel), and food sources (from fishing, hunting, or gathering).

Indian nations could and did exercise power that had unequivocal spatial dimensions.13

Start with an idea of native territory as “a set of spaces—hunting, fishing, gathering, ritual, warring, exchange—in which a strategy of integrated management of the land is observed.”11Yet those spaces may not always easily correlate with lines drawn across a landscape. In some cases scholars must distinguish territory from territori-ality.

. Europeans had to negotiate the structures and institu-tions of Indian political economies, and they were subject to the rules of Indian jurisdiction. N

“see the native landscape as both a cultural and a moral space, a place where mythical beings, ancestral spirits, daily life, and geopolitical concerns coexisted and interplayed.”6 As such the spatial dimension of Indian assertions of power has not yet been wholly realized.7

Alongside is a narrative of early America that casts it as unde-fined and unclaimed territory through which Europeans and Indians move, trade, make treaties, and make war in lands neither can fully claim.

. Explicitly, Euro-American maps functioned as geopolitical “statements of territorial appropriation” that erased Indian geog-raphy by replacing Indian domains with blank spaces of pristine wilderness awaiting colonial development.

et if these borders were visible to Spaniards and are clear from historical source evidence, then why are they not more familiar to us?

árbaros

Put simply, Indian nations’ borders defined the limits of Spanish imperialism (Figure I)

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Develop a highly skilled workforce in one generation through high-quality early childhood education for all children in San Antonio.

Activity 1. Map Exercise

Lesson Extensions

To what extent was the alliance against the Axis powers unified in values and postwar goals?

Lesson 1: How "Grand" and "Allied" was the Grand Alliance?

Learning Objectives

On the morning of December 26, Patricia Ramsey woke up to find a ransom note asking for $118,000 in ransom for her precious daughter JonBenet. As soon as she found the note, she called the Boulder Colorado Police Department to report JonBenet missing. When the police arrived at the Ramsey home, they conducted a search, and JonBenet’s father John found her deceased body in the basement of the home. When they found her, her skull had been beaten into, she had been strangled with a cord, and she had been sexually assaulted. The official cause of death was asphyxia by strangulation and the death was deemed a homicide.2

she deserves finally to rest in peace

“one of the most perplexing and notorious murders of the decade.”