Another feature of the Arab family is its style of communication, which is describedby both Sharabi (1988) and Barakat (1985) as hierarchal, creating vertical as opposed tohorizontal communication between those in authority and those subservient to thatauthority. This relationship, according to Barakat, leads to styles of communicationbetween parents and children in which parents use anger and punishment and the chil-dren respond by crying, self-censorship, covering up, or deception.

Thanks, Ms. Marell, for terrific advice. Some of the best natural therapists I have known havebeen ruined by psychotherapy training, becoming so preoccupied learning and implementingtechnique that they lost the healing warmth of their personalities.

The major focus of effective therapy shouldbe to establish a powerfully healing relationship and to inspire hope.

Results showed that, despite being self-compassionate in the sense of accepting their physical limitations, those participants were also critical of their body’s functionality and appearance. Although this study had a very specific focus, it highlighted important nuances in the experience of self-compassion by older adults.

Based on previous findings (Hwang et al., Citation2016; Murn & Steele Citation2020; Neff & Vonk, Citation2009; Wren et al., Citation2012), our first hypothesis (H1) was that Overall Self-compassion would be lowest for adolescents, increase for young adults and adults, and be highest for older adults. Based on the findings by Murn and Steele (Citation2020), our second hypothesis (H2) was that a similar pattern of results would be found for Common Humanity and Mindfulness. Based on the findings by Karakasidou et al. (Citation2020), our third hypothesis (H3) was that Over-identification would be highest for adolescents, decrease for young adults and adults, and be lowest for older adults. Given the scarce previous literature, we did not establish a priori hypotheses for the other components.

Murn and Steele (Citation2020) have shown that younger participants, compared to older ones, scored lower on the Common Humanity and Mindfulness components, whereas Karakasidou et al. (Citation2020) have shown that younger participants, compared to older ones, scored higher in Over-identification.

A vehicle for making black women’scritical consciousness intelligible to black women and others, BFT opens possibil-ities for black women to resist oppressive forces that limit our self-empowermentand serves as a powerful methodological tool for research by and abo

we employ black feministthought (BFT) as critical social theory and embrace a more expansive understanding of BFT ascritical methodology to analyze the experiences black women share through narrative

Collins (2009) says, ‘‘knowledge for knowledge’s sake is notenough—Black feminist thought must both be tied to Black women’s lived experi-ences and aim to better those experiences in some fashion’’ (p. 35)

USAThis article couples Black feminist thought (Collins, 2009) and autoethnography toadvocate for Black feminist autoethnography (BFA) as a theoretical and methodo-logical means for Black female academics to critically narrate the pride and pain ofBlack womanhood

We (students of Anthropology) are taughtthat ethnographic inquiry requires a peculiar simultaneity of distancing from anddrawing closer to a given researcher’s subjects/object of study.

One might argue that there were three periods with respectAfrican Americans in the field of ps

Moreover, Wallace astutely observed thatMoynihan's report on the Black family presented an incoherent imageof the strong Black woman, or the "superwoman," in Wallace's termi-nology. On the one hand, Black women were viewed as unusually strong,un-feminine, usurpers of the traditional male role in Black families, andheads of households that were in disarray largely because of a tangle o

Nevertheless, there are several key reasons why the discourse onBlack male endangerment is problematic. First, it suggests that Blackwomen are not affected by racism, or at least not to the same degree asBlack men. In this way, it presents a distorted image of the effect ofracism and sexism in the lives of Black women

In the end, Wallace is convinced that neither form of Black macho isuseful, and that efforts to attain equality for Black men and women cannever be achieved unless Blacks refuse the stereotypical thinking of whiteracism and fashion a political agenda borne out of Black culture and thepriorities of Black communities

hat [it really] depends upon how you look at "manhood." If youaccept the definition America force-fed the black man - access towhite women sexually and the systematic subjugation and suppressionof black women - then the answer is an unequivocal yes. But if weconsider America's actual standard of "manhood" - control of themeans of production and power; in other words, money - the answerhas got to be no. (54

er critique of such apopular ideological commitment like Black Power is what made this sucha controversial book in the Black community, most opted to destroy thecredibility of the book through attacking Wallace's character, scholarlyability, and priorities and/or by raising questions about the severity ofsexism in Black communities and the priority it should receive in con-siderations of Black liberation strategies. Many of the book's opponentsquestioned Wallace's basic assumption throughout the text that sexismwas a very real form of oppression in the lives of Black women.

These movements show how members of identity categories in America are discriminated against and have unequal access to resources. At the same time, they have turned these categories into sources of “strength, community, and intellectual development.”

The value of men and women can be seen as in the value of gold andsilver—they are not equal but both have great value. We must realize that men andwomen are a complement to each other because there is no house/family without aman and his wife. Both are essential to the development of any life. [

Yet, crit-ically, these Black feminists, Morgan in particular, are offering comple-mentary suggestions for Black women to check their behavior and ex-pectations of men and relationships. How do we participate in our ownoppression and that of future generations? What is our stake in maintaininggender relations that can only lead to continued trauma?

In their personal and political examination of their lives,these writers show that the love Black women feel for Black men is some-times diluted by the mutual disrespect and mistrust engendered by slaveryand kept alive through women’s and men’s sustained patriarchal notionsabout gender.

Three themes emerged from my reading of these texts.

Significant family-formation problems among the black population are ofrecent origin, for there is no evidence suggesting thatfamily-formation patterns of blacks have historically beenfundamentally different from those of whites.

the Report turned out to be an accurate piece of socialforecasting in that it predicted rapidly increasing rates offemale-headed families among blacks.

r. Virtually absent from either the Moynihanreport or the Moyers documentary is the use of social class as acausal variable that actively shapes either the patterns of low-income African-American family life or Black attitudes and values.Conceptualizing social class solely as an outcome variableenables both works to ignore structural factors that have a funda-mental influence on social class status. Factors such as ghettoiza-tion, industrial flight, mechanization, school segregation, and othermacroeconomic and macropolitical factors are simply exclu

class Black family structures; (2) the lack of attention given otherhousehold arrangements, for example, extended family house-holds, male single-parent families, and lesbian couples who headfamilies; (3) the blurring of the concepts of household and familyas units of analysis; and (4) an underemphasis on racism anddiscrimination as continued forces in perpetuating Black poverty

ing. African-American menare presented as being too submissive to their female counterparts,absent from their children's gender socialization, and unwilling orunable to assume the traditional masculine role of p

Summer 1989 / SIGNSAmerican women are portrayed as playing overly "masculine"gender roles-they too often choose to head households. They aretoo "domineering" in male/female relationships, and, more impor-tant, they are in a position to pass on inappropriate concepts ofgender to their impressionable offsp

tion. Both works quiterightly point out that many African-American families are struc-tured differently than middle-class white families and that African-American family dynamics can differ significantly from a white-defined norm.7 Comparisons are not inherently problematic-rather, the issue is the use to which comparisons are put. In thiscase, racial comparisons are used to explain the economicallydisadvantageous social class position of African-America

Moynihan’s assertion that the family was the basic unit of society derived in part from his Catholicism, which he credited with giving him the perspective that “family interests were perhaps the central objective of social policy”

ons. First, this viewpoint shifts the entire focus of invcating elements of race or gender or class oppression to onthe links are among these systems. The first approach typicasion as being primary, then handles remaining types of oppseen as the most im

Black women's insistence on self-definition, self-valuation, and the necessity for a Blfemale-centered analysis is significant for two reasons. First, defining and valuing one's csciousness of one's own self-defined standpoint in the face of images that foster a self-deftion as the objectified "other" is an important way of resisting the dehumanization essentiasystems of domin

ngs. I argue that many Black femaleintellectuals have made creative use of their marginality-their "outsider within " status-to produce Black femi-nist thought that reflects a special standpoint on self family, and soc

d her. To reduce this complex of ne-gotiations to an addition problem (racism + sexism = black women'sexperience) is to define the issues, and indeed black womanhooditself, within the structural terms developed by Europeans and es-pecially white males to privilege their race and their sex unilater-ally. Sojourner's declaration, "ain't I a woman?" directly refutes thissort of conceptualization of womanhood as one dimensional ratherthan dialectical

hooks and West (1991) indicate that in "the space between thesixties and the nineties, we see a weakening of political solidaritybetween black men and women" (p. 9). hooks charges us to "createa liberatory theory and analysis" and learn to appreciate and treas-ure what "Black men and women can give one another" (p. 19).

The core of the myth that shrouded Blackwomanhood resided in the Jezebel/Mammy dichotomy. GrayWhite points out, "Jezebel excused miscegenation, the sexualexploitation of Black women," whereas the "Mammy helpedendorse service of black women in Southern households" (p. 61).

He contended, “The dishonestyupon which a society is founded makes every emotion suspect, makes itimpossible to know whether what flowed between two people was honestfeeling or pity or pragmatism

my research tracks thecomplicated relationships around what it means to work, live, and lovewithin the social hierarchy surrounding domestic

A brief historical overviewof how colonialism, slavery, apartheid, and migration led to thepredominance of black women in servitude across the globe pro-vides important historical context for the following chapters.

wanted to look closely at how two groups of southernwomen viewed themselves and each other in terms of raceand

We surveyed 325 adults from various racial andethnic backgrounds and different educationallevels across the United States who were recruitedthrough an online service in order to obtain acommunity sample of typical adults.

As noted above, institutional racism is part and parcel of colonialism.

praxis

A paradigm is a general way of understanding and approaching knowl-edge about the world.

In sum, sexist expectations of chastity and racist assumptionsof sexual promiscuity combined to create a distinct set of issuesconfronting Black women.

With Black women as the starting point, it be-comes more apparent how dominant conceptions of discriminationcondition us to think about subordination as disadvantage occur-ring along a single categorical axis. I want to suggest further thatthis single-axis framework erases Black women in the conceptual-ization, identification and remediation of race and sex discrimina-tion by limiting inquiry to the experiences of otherwise-privilegedmembers of the group.

approach claims that subordinate groups identify with the powerful and have no valid independent interpretation of their own oppression.5

Black feminist thought, by extension, represents a second level of knowledge, the more specialized knowledge furnished by experts who are part of a group and who express the group's standpoint. The two levels of knowledge are interdependent; while Black feminist thought articulates the taken-for-granted knowledge of African-American women, it also encourages all Black women to create new self-definitions that validate a Black women's stand- point.

credited and suppressed by the more powerful is that self-defined standpoints can stimulate oppressed groups to resist their domina- tion.

In particular, it invitesthought about how power is distributed and exercised (the topic of Chapter3)

No study was launched to find out how these reports affected the Sal-vadoran psyche, just as studies are not conducted on the effects of presscensorship and disinformation on the North American collective psyche,though surely these practices have an impact and would warrant investi-gation.

Martin-Bar6 argued that psychology has created a fictionalized and ideo-logized image ofwhat it means to be human, based on its own ahistoricismand bias toward individualism. This false image presents the individual asbereft of history, community, political commitment, and social loyalties.

Gathering essays from an array of professional journals, this volume introduces readers to the questions and concerns that shaped Martín-Baró’s thinking over several decades: the psychological dimensions of political repression, the impact of violence and trauma on child development and mental health, the use of psychology for political ends, religion as a tool of ideology, and defining the “real” and the “normal” under conditions of state-sponsored violence and oppression, among others.

We will be using the text, Keywords for Asian American Studies throughout the semeste

In general, womentend to take jobs close to home to facilitate managing domestic responsibilities

First, given that the immigration scholarship that examines Latinos’experiences has focused predominantly on Mexican migration, it has been aninteresting experience to have concentrated for the entirety of my career on CentralAmericans.

This requires a radical break from state education systems –systems that are primarily designed to produce communities of individuals willing to uphold settler colonialism. This paper uses Nishnaabeg stories to advocate for a reclamation of land as pedagogy, both as process and context for Nishnaabeg intelligence, in order to nurture a generation of Indigenous peoples that have the skills, knowledge and values to rebuild our nation according to the word views and values of Nishnaabeg culture

Of course, LGBTQ rights aren’t the only marker of social change or human rights. But suggesting that they’re separate from any other universal human right is dangerous. An ac-cusation of pinkwashing presumes that gay human rights causes are less sa-lient than Palestinian human rights causes, when in fact they’re all equal.”1

the questioners contrasted Palestinian homophobia with the existence of queer spaces and expression in Israel

Th is chapter applies conceptions of victims and saviors to the debates on pinkwashing and pinkwatching.

Even if pinkwashing was completely discredited, as some queer Palestin-ian solidarity activists have argued, and even if pinkwashing ceased and pink-watching was no longer necessary, the queer Palestinian solidarity movement remains important. Th is is because queer Palestinians in Israel/Palestine con-tinue to face dual forms of marginalization under ethnoheteronormativity and therefore call for international support and solidarity.

weight that activists in this struggle must carry. Th e forces of Zionism and homophobia are now accompanied by forces of the empire of critique and the myriad forms of alienation within the movement.

Th is study and its anthropological foundation serve as both an ethnogra-phy of the movement and a documentation of its history.

I am certainly sympathetic to the need for Israel/Palestine to be a home-land for Jewish Israelis (alongside Palestinian Christians and Muslims) aft er centuries of global anti-Semitism, persecution, and horrifi c violence led to genocide against Jewish victims in Europe. I support Israel/Palestine becom-ing a binational country that is a shared homeland for Jews and Palestinians and that honors self-determination for historically oppressed Jewish com-munities from around the world. Yet the Israeli state does not need to con-tinue its current status as an ethnocracy, lauding one ethnoreligious group over others, in order to realize the understandable goal of establishing a ha-ven for Jewish Israelis.

Since the founding of the state of Israel in 1948, the Zionist reality has been established as a discriminatory regime in Israel/Palestine. Th ere is not a Palestinian in Israel, the Occupied Territories, or the Diaspora who has not been adversely aff ected in some way by the hier-archies and the distribution of power that relegates Palestinians to the realm of second-class citizenship, statelessness, or exile. Th e Zionism that ulti-mately prevailed in Israel/Palestine has been profoundly alienating to the Pal-estinian inhabitants who struggle to remain in their ancestral homeland.

. At the same time, some Zion-ist institutions have worked over the past decade to co-opt queer Palestinian voices in order to attempt to justify Israel’s military occupation of Palestine to global audiences.

Through an analysis of the varied concepts of Arabness within middle-class Arab American families and within Arab and Muslim anti-imperialist social movements—the two cornerstones of this book—I will interrogate the dichotomies that ensnare Arab communities as they clamor for a sense of safety and belonging in the United States