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    1. Some jobs link compensation directly to work effort. Piece-work systems, whichpay workers for each bit of work they perform, are one example of this approach; soare contract workers (hired to perform a specific task, and paid only when that taskis completed). This strategy has limited application, however: usually employerswant their workers to be more flexible, performing a range of hard-to-specifyfunctions (rather than simply churning out a certain number of widgets per hour).Even in straightforward jobs, piece-work systems produce notoriously bad quality,

      Referencing back to the taxi industry: Stanford is describing the power struggle of workers. He's going more into depth about it here than when he first mentioned precarious work. He is framing it as bargaining power and labor insecurity rather than Kling claiming it as market disruption by the government. Either way, there is not a balance in the industry where there is a "happy medium" between the workers and establishments that already exist.

    2. Real wages stagnated in most countries, in the face ofhigher unemployment, attacks on unions, and reductions in income securityand other measures that supported workers’ bargaining power. Yet productivitycontinued to grow, thanks both to employers’ renewed power in the workplace andto continued technological progress. Figure 8.1 illustrates the sharp divergence ofreal wages from labour productivity in the US economy that coincides perfectlywith the arrival of neoliberalism.

      As we move to the right of the graph in figure 8.1 and it widens, this makes me wonder about other countries. Specifically the divergence in countries with higher labor protections (the Netherlands) or those with little to no labor protections (the Phillipines).

    3. There is still much debate and controversy within economics today – althoughnot nearly as much as there should be. Economics instruction in most English-speaking countries conforms especially narrowly to neoclassical doctrine; thereis more diversity in economics in continental Europe, Latin America, and a fewother countries.

      As Stanford critiques neoclassicism and the idea of "automatic balance," I wonder what the laws would be like for the minimum wage or the unemployed. That would just not balance supply and demand. Stanford shows us in chapter 7 that unemployment is not neutral since it just increases bargaining power.

    4. Creative companies can devise all sorts of different ways of earning profits.Some are useful: developing higher-quality new products, and developing better,more efficient ways of producing them. But competitive markets can also rewardcompanies for doing things that are utterly useless, from the perspective of humanwelfare (see Table 7.3). And if lax laws and regulations allow them to, profit-seekingcompanies will do things that are downright destructive to workers, communities,customers, and innocent bystanders.

      Previously, Stanford mentioned the different strategies that businesses use to earn the most profit using absolute and relative surplus value. Stanford includes the use of extending hours of workers (absolute surplus) and raising productivity per hour (relative surplus). Which strategy is more productive and used dominantly today, and why? In chapter 8, he analyzes technological productivity, which would be relative surplus, in my opinion.