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    1. And, you know, for from the part of the United States. I I I do not think that the US has a lot of options. I mean, it shows in some sense how weak the United States has become internationally even in its own Western Hemisphere. I mean, when you think that the United States has been unable to forestall Venezuelans descend into authoritarianism, into brutal dictatorship, into total implosion and destruction of the country, that the United States has not had any real leverage over that process in a country so import, you know, even for the oil supply of the US and the world as Venezuela. It shows you when people talk about US or Germany and US predominance and whatever. I mean, the Venezuelan case is a striking example how weak the United States has become even in the Western Hemisphere.

      35:30 - 37:09. In this segment, Professor Weyland reflects on the declining influence of the United States in Latin America, using Venezuela as a case study of waning geopolitical power. He argues that Washington’s inability to prevent Venezuela’s descent into authoritarianism—despite its proximity, economic importance, and oil reserves—reveals a broader erosion of U.S. leverage and credibility in its own hemisphere.

    2. The United States has imposed sanctions. Doesn't do any good, because countries like China, Russia, Iran, enable Maduro to evade sanctions to a good extent.

      27:08 - 29:43. Russia is mentioned as one of the key international backers sustaining Nicolás Maduro’s regime alongside China and Iran, providing diplomatic cover and helping Venezuela evade U.S. sanctions. These references highlight how global authoritarian alliances, particularly Russian support, limit international leverage and deepen Venezuela’s isolation from Western democracies.

    3. I mean, you think France would want to have sit Maduro in some fancy, fancy mansion in the Riviera, you know, sipping Gin Tonic by lying around the pool in France? I mean, you know, this has become impossible. Can you imagine the outcry? Of course, nobody would want the guy. The only places that he could go to would be North Korea, which is not precisely, very attractive. And so that is a terrible dilemma, because you refer, you know, you probably alluded, to the south of France to former dictator of Haiti Duvalier. He went to France. At that time, there was still, you know, Haiti, former French colony. He could go to France. And he left. And so he ended that nightmare in Haiti. But nowadays Maduro go to France. I mean, no way. And so that is the problem we would be the international community would need to designate like St Helena or something at the safe haven dictators and give them beautiful mansions there. But, you see, for my joke, it's not a viable alternative, and it's right, it's not a credible offer.

      21:18 - 23:08. In this section, Professor Weyland uses humor and historical comparison to highlight the modern dilemma of granting dictators exile as a means to end authoritarian regimes. By referencing former Haitian dictator Jean-Claude Duvalier’s comfortable exile in France, he argues that today’s global norms and public outrage make such safe havens politically impossible—leaving leaders like Maduro with no incentive to relinquish power peacefully.

    4. 8 million Venezuelans have left the country in despair,

      05:47 - 10:51. This moment underscores the mass exodus caused by economic devastation and repression, linking Venezuela’s political crisis directly to one of the largest refugee movements in the Western Hemisphere.