When police arrived, the crowd of mostly women they found gathered around the truck was the result of this effort.

The Diario de Caracas, first to break the story two days later, called it “a very special way for [the 23 de Enero] to get the attention of the trash collection service.”2Indeed, that the hijackers did not mask their faces or set the vehicle ablaze was already uncommon for activist youth, especially those like Earles who fashioned themselves keepers of the old antiestablishment guerrilla tradition, more concerned with toppling the state than with parochial community prob-lems.

When the situation arises in any country, people will find a prominent space, appropriate it, and use it to advance their cause - Tahrir Square and many others

ng went against the Vietnam War and organizing multi-racially against poverty, he had to be eliminated I have no idea. But Resurrection City certainly did mark the end of an era. The civil rights movement up to then had many successes. There was the Civil Rights Act in 1964, af- ter Kennedy's assassination. Lyndon Johnson knew that the Democrats would lose the South, once that was passed. The polarization in American society at that point was pretty stark T

I think almost everybody arrived in groups - my guess would be about 80 to 90% black, there was a Chicano group coming from California, there were some white Appalachian groups, but they were small - they were visible, but they were small and they were segregated not by race but by geography. And there was more mixing than you would have seen elsewhere in 1968. They were there because of King, it was all inspired by him. And people did behave - now, if we were in existence longer, I don't know

We had a bunch of them. One obviously was the size, the main calculation was how big a tent city would have to be, as initially we thought we'd get tents. Once that was estimated, we added support services, places for food, a daycare center, an administrative center, security, toilets. The second criterion was access. So we looked for sites within distance of public transportation, highway, utilities. And then the other important criterion was who owns it. So we listed those: the criteria were size and location, and visibility.

As John MacAloon would say, that which occurs in ritual is thought to be real and to partake of unquestionable truths (

In this article, we offer a broad corrective to the imbalanced social sci-ence scholarship on black communities, which often portrays urban blackresidents and their neighborhoods as bounded, plagued by violence, vic-tims and perpetrators, unproductive, and isolated from one another andthe city writ large, if not also pathological, dangerous, and depressing.

Across the country, black people use social media spaces, includingFacebook, Tumblr, Twitter, and self-hosted personal blogs, to carveout expressive, resistant, and life-sustaining practices in the face of com-munity, extrajudicial, and state violence.

‘Love Your Child, No Matter What’ when it came to process-ing the wins and losses during the season. ‘If he has played badly’, theeditors wrote, ‘he does not need to be forgiven for a mistake, or taught alesson. He needs to learn to live with mistakes and for someone to accepthis feelings’ (‘Love your Child, No Matter What’, 1972).

All of us agreed that sports might be theanswer and baseball was sort of our only option because it’s the onlyactivity our park was equipped for’ (Minnis, 1990).

None of this is to deny the reality of hardship in SouthSide communities; rather it is to challenge ingrained assumptionsabout life, history and traditions in those communities. These neighbor-hoods have been at the center of many of the social crises across blackChicago, but JRW demonstrates that there is not a single story to tellabout black life in Chicago

his array of ‘services’ illustrates the mar-riage of marginality, unemployment, and single-motherhood, with thehuman imperative to have some fun.

And thatwasn’t no accident, like I was really askin’. And it might seemstrange but that’s what you do. Not just me, a lot of people bethere trying to get some help. I mean, you in a space with allthese different black people who live in all these places inChicago. What other space has that?

you don’t feel like the minority.This is why for me I think of this space as a place to listen to music,dance, and build the kind of friendships that I need.

Produced and operated by a local black promotion group, The Spotis a jambalaya of black bodies, black English, black music, blackflirtation, black dance moves, and black life.

‘Through their daily activities and struggles,individuals and social groups create the social world of the city, andthereby create something common as a framework within which all candwell’

Placemaking rec-ognizes that race and racism – especially as manifest in residential seg-regation (Massey and Denton, 1993) – beget black political consciousnessand offer opportunities to create new sites of gathering

Yes, many black people livewithin a fundamentally racialized and racist structuring of (urban)space and some black people exhibit bad behaviors as a result, but thisreality does not wholly consume the energies of the black community.

Negroes love and hate and fight and play and strive and travel andhave a thousand and one interests in life like other humans.

. Rather than photo-graphs giving us a self-evident “factual” record of “race,” then, these photographs open up the fluidity of racial categories, their changing meanings over time, and their contested historical interpretation.

It reminds us again that we must look for subaltern histories below the surface of the image, tangled in the roots of trees, close to the ground, submerged in the water.

The Maroons used their militarized power and legitimate access to coercive violence to set themselves apart from other black British subjects

“idea of the citizen as a free and independent person can also serve to justify the paternal regulation of significant sections of the population.

These images bring humanity back down to earth, grounded, solid, emblems of the hard-working bodies that have kept these people alive through drought, disease, and the hunger of hard times.

Levien too should be a Jamaican National Hero, but he is not, probably because, as a Jew, he did not fit the needs of a postcolonial, independent Jamaica, which built its identity around Creole national-ism and then what Deborah Thomas calls “Modern Blackness.”

“But when the Governor and his advisers take upon themselves to make their will the law of the land, and that law is cruelly obnoxious to the people—when the Governor and his advisers run riot in their abandonment of practice and propriety—the lower classes become equally callous on their part and riotous in their way. A Government that sows the wind must expect to reap the whirlwind.”

It is significant that the self-attribution of this anonymous letter to “black and brown, and poor whites” indicates a cross-racial political alliance based on class more than color. Although color was significant to the rebels in regard to their famous oaths, “Colour for Colour” and “Cleave to the Black,” it is also notable that not all of the victims were white, that much of the violent suppression was carried out by black irregular troops and Maroons, and that some of the defenders of the people were “brown” or Jewish. The photographs begin to reveal some of this more complicated story.

We, as black and brown, and poor whites so we don’t care for burn lose lives, so bring them back and let them go. You will laugh at my writing, but I don’t care at that. Death, death for all, and

54422 Cardwell to Eyre, November 23, 1865, House of Commons, Parliamentary Pa-pers, 1866 [3594], Papers Relating to the Disturbances in Jamaica, Part i, 242 (dispatch 3); hereafter cited as PP, Jamaica Disturbances.23 See especially Heuman, “K illing Time,” and Sheller, Democracy after Slavery. For an important contemporary critique of Governor Eyre and the Colonial Office by a “Late Member of the Executive Committee in the Legislative Council of Jamaica and Late Custos of St. Catherine,” see George Price, Jamaica and the Colonial Office: Who Caused the Crisis? (London: Sampson Low, Son & Marston, 1866).24 Cardwell to Eyre, December 1, 1865, PP, Jamaica Disturbances, 249 (dispatch 10, enclosure 5).It is a matter of obvious remark that Gordon was arrested in Kings-ton, to which martial law did not extend, and taken to Morant Bay for trial, under martial law. Her Majesty’s Government await with much anxiety your explanation on the subject.

the British government had a strong interest in keeping them hidden.

In that sense the unrest was not an uprising so much as a social movement associated with some leaders of the political opposition, a movement firmly re-jected by Governor Edward John Eyre and by higher officials in the

Beneath the sur-face of the photographs there lies devalued, or at least de-emphasized, evidence that the people charged with sedition during the suppression of the rebellion included black, “brown,” Jewish, and white political opponents of Jamaica’s British governor and ruling elite.

He, perhaps, estimated that having conquered the whole island and thus eliminated immediate danger, it would be more economical to pay the ransom rather than keep an army in a permanent state of readiness. History, alas, has shown that his choice created other, perhaps heavier, chains.

It is said that when the English Admiral Maitland sur- rendered to Toussaint at Mole Saint-Nicolas in 1798, Great Britain agreed to defend the Haitian littoral if Toussaint promised not to export the revolution.

Barbette bat- tery

metropole

Consequently, Dessaline's strategy, outlined in his ordinance of April 9, 1804, was to make of the Plateau Central a granary protected by a chain of fortifications placed on the high points around its perimeter. The Citadel became the most impor- tant link of that chain.

Even the great Amer- ican revolutionaries, for whom "All men are created equal," were not very comfortable with the proximity of that army of ex-slaves which had defeated the Napoleonic army, the mightiest military machine of its time.

Billions of urbanites worldwide challenge thedwelling habitus around them on an everyday basis, sometimes in waysthat cannot be easily reduced to anti-capitalist critique.

“the potentiality of their liveshas remained unthought because no one couldimagine young black women as social visionaries, radical thinkers, andinnovators in”(

ritornello

the potential of dwelling as difference,of contesting the habitualgrounds upon which our ways to become into the world are constructed,isalways there, alive and present even where conditions are bleak (Guattari,2009). Difference is the light comingfromthe cracks, not from elsewhere,and it is always present, always there to start with (Anzaldua,2015).

Otherwise dwelling would be just about eternallylosing, and yet we know from those fighting oppressive housing situationsthroughout history that victories are possible (Osborne,2018).

it becomes, in a generativeway.

I argue, taking‘desperation’seriously inthe current global urban age–in its embodiment and everyday unfolding–is of quintessential importance if we are to imagine different housing

lumpenproletariat

Why are the effortsof millions of women fighting to live within their homes relegated to therubric of‘empowerment’and‘capabilities’, or registered only within theremit of feminist debates, rather than being seen as part of a quintessentialfight to liberate housing from its patriarchal, masculine, violent ethos?

Displacementand related forms of direct action and organizing are therefore not only seenas the effects of uneven urban development but are registered in their cap-acity to configure alternative modes of being and living in the city

This is a call tore-approach housing in its use-value, without foreclosing the possibility ofradical theory and practice in the dominant (often generalizing) theorizingaround its exchange-value. From the ground of use-value–of what hous-ingdoesfor people–the‘radicality’of resistance against housing precarityis not defined a-priori, but traced as it emerges from uncanny places, unin-habitable‘homes’and multiple violent histories.

Forecasts that consider the increase in global population and risingurbanisation suggest that housing precarity will continue to grow in scale(Kothari,2015; UN HABITAT,2016), while commentators and scholars alikeagree in stating that‘urban crisis’–in the form of massive displacement,gentrification, and uneven development–is the new normal (Harvey,1990;Konvitz,2016; Lees, Shin, & Lopez-Morales,2016).

I take this inextricable combination of real-imagined geographies seriously throughout the project in order to arguethat the poetics of landscape, whether expressed through theoretical, fic-tional, poetic, musical, or dramatic texts, can also be understood as realresponses to real spatial inequalities

Spatial acts can take on many forms and can be identified through ex-pressions, resistances, and naturalizations. Importantly, these acts take placeand have a place

acial-sexual categorizations

she is seemingly in place by being out of place.

especially visible through these concepts andmoments because they clarify that blackness is integral to the productionof space.

imbrication

Black women’s geographies open up a meaningfulway to approach both the power and possibilities of geographic inquiry.

“just is” and because those inside, bound to the walls, are neitherseeable nor liberated subjects

oppositional geography:

Geog-raphy’s and geographers well-known history in the Americas, of whitemasculine European mappings, explorations, conquests, is interlaced witha different sense of place, those populations and their attendant geog-raphies that are concealed by what might be called rational spatial colo-nization and domination: the profitable erasure and objectification ofsubaltern subjectivities, stories, and lands

This attention is also neededbecause, if we trust Brand’s insights, these rules are alterable and there existsa terrain through which different geographic stories can be and are told.

geography holds in it the possibility to speak for itself.

With the seed, our grandmothers also braided their esoteric and cultural knowl­edge. For our ancestors, the earth was not a commodity but a family member.

my inner child and ignited my imagination.

They hid sesame, black-eyed pea, rice, and melon seed in their locks. They stashed away amara kale, gourd, sorrel, basil, tamarind, and kola seed in their tresses.

The food became the source code from village to dungeon, barracoon to canoe, caravel to colonial town, and to the plantations where sugarcane, rice, cacao, coffee, corn, indigo, cotton, tobac

The rivers were highways of chiefdom and empire. These are the places where the herds drank and the tilapia and catfish, hippopota­mus, and manatee swam.

As African as you can get, sweet potato leaves signify the transforation of simple ingre­dients into a wholesome and delicious meal, reminding us as Africans that we shall never lack

Yet, for me this is further evidence of the power and possibilities of how Blackcommunities continued alternative uses of the land and water.

refusal.

slave owners to maximize the profitability of water and landresources

Slaves used the plot as stolen time to engage in their own independent visionsof self, family, and community.50In a system that sought to atomize slaves andrender them fungible, the plot as an insurgent relation to space and time broughtthe possibilities for an otherwise.

apitalist redundancy

Black women in the forwarding of Black resistance.

Funerals and deathgroundedBlack cultural life in a set of often-clandestinesites from the Chesapeake’s origins as a part of the nascent European colonialcomplex

urtive

Black communities in the region created possibilities for survival, connection, andinsurgency through the strategic renegotiation of the landscapes of captivity anddominion.

The historical and ongoing development of the region fits a pattern of charac-teristically (racial) capitalist landscape defined by radical, racialized inequalitymapped over uneven, delicate ecologies

god-ordained exploitation

The same infrastructures facilitating suburbanizationand the attendant economic and social abandonment and isolation of poor Blackresidents of Anacostia also give rise to concentrated toxicity endangering thehealth of this introduced species of catfish, illustrating the intertwined nature ofecologies and human geographies.

The Anacostia, which ends in the predominantlyworking-class Black community by the same name in Southeast Washington, DCremains among the most polluted rivers in the nation.

environmentalism, racial capitalism, resistance, slavery

I endeavored to regard Black life from inside the circleand to recapture the wild thought and the beautiful recklessness capable of imag-ining thewithand theusand thewe, to see and be seen in this relay of looks,seeking love and trouble in the darkness of a tenement hallway and dreamingsomething better than thisin the company of folks crowded into a kitchenette.The serial biographies, chronicles, prose poems, and long form songs wovenacrossWayward Livesundertake this work of imagining otherwise.

“histories that no history book can tell,”

Axé is like DNA

axé

Many of the slaves also fought. When there was a big collision, certain colonists put guns into the hands of the slaves to reinforce the army of their partisans.

The conflict of the other classes showed the slaves the power of the gun. The slaves thought about the declaration of the French bourgeois who said that all people were equal.

they take a position that isn’t in their interest.

a relentless tornado rose up

He blows the Nor’easterHe blows the southwest wind

Toni Morrison ruminates about what might be possiblewithout the obstacles imposed to thwart and obstruct Black women’s talentsand capacities.

utter a resounding“No”to the world.

critical fabulation

Thus, while the elites' claims to state control required, as elsewhere, the partial appropriation of the culture-history of the masses, they also re-quired, perhaps more than elsewhere, the silencing of dissent. Both the silencing of dissent and the building of state institutions

Something is always left out while something else is recorded. There is no perfect closure of any event, however one chooses to define the boundaries of that event. Thus whatever becomes fact does so with its own inborn absences, specific to its production.

1) the one led by the black officers reintegrated under Leclerc's command" against the former sla_ves who had re-fused to .surrender to the French Qune 1802-October 1802)

"If you have the means with which you threaten me, I shall offer you all the resis-tance worthy of a general; and if fate favors your weapons, you will not enter the town of Cap until I reduce it to ashes and, then and there, I shall keep on fightingyou."

At this point, you may start wondering if Sans Souci was worth the price.

Christophe-Henry l King of Haiti.

I imagined the royal cavalry, black-skinned men and women one and all on their black horses, swearing to fight until the death rather than to let go of this fort and return to slavery.

In the ten years preceding the French Revolution, Saint-Domingue's booming economy was primarily responsible for tripling the volume of the French slave trade over the pre~ous deca~e, and official figures showed annual African imports to nval consist-ently the size of the colony's entire white population year after year, reaching a dizzying total of 30,000 at least as early as 1785.