34 Matching Annotations
  1. Sep 2017
  2. May 2017
    1. He created a new type of deodorant to get rid of bad odors[6] and also promoted morning and evening baths and emphasized the maintenance of personal hygiene. Ziryab is thought to have invented an early toothpaste, which he popularized throughout Islamic Iberia.[11] The exact ingredients of this toothpaste are not currently known,[12] but it was reported to have been both "functional and pleasant to taste.".[11]

      So apparently a 9th century Arabic rock star invented deodorant.

  3. Feb 2017
    1. few others come to mind. I’m sure I’m forgetting a few, but not many.

      DataCite and Zotero come to mind. I think there may be more than you allow for, though I don't disagree on the difficulty of finding funding for ed-tech infrastructure.

    1. arguing that a more pragmatic politics was necessary if the PT wanted to win power.

      <br> Full Citation: Boletim Nacional. 1992.12. “Ganhamos ou perdemos.” Collected in Partido dos Trabalhadores Historical Archives, Projeto Memória e História, Fundação Perseu Abramo. Leiden, Netherlands: IDC.

      Click to access full source

      Analytic Note: Dirceu’s commentary in the aftermath of the 1992 municipal elections demonstrates the increasing use of viability appeals from the PT’s moderate leadership. Dirceu explicitly claims that whether or not the party adopted a pragmatic alliance policy determined whether it won or lost individual mayoral races. He goes on to claim that the challenge for the party looking to 1994 will be the development of a viable governing program (implicitly, not a radical program only appealing to a minority) and the creation of a majoritarian coalition of the center-left. Location: shareable

      Excerpt: As capitais e cidades de porte médio começam a migrar para o voto progressista, abandonando seus caciques históricos e as oligarquias tradicionais. Ficou evidente que as políticas de alianças o PT, PSB e PPS funcionou, foi entendida e apoiada pelo eleitorado. Onde ela não existiu, perdemos, ou o PT perdeu, como em Curitiba, Natal e São Luiz. Trata-se agora de testar, já que isso aponta para 94, se os partidos da coalizão de centro-esquerda saberão fazer mais, consolidando uma maioria não só eleitoral como social, a exemplo de Olívio Dutra, em Porto Alegre, e Telma de Souza, em Santos. E também testar se esse partido serão capazes de apresentar ao país um programa de governo até 94, e se frente ao desafio do Governo Itamar, ao plebiscito e à revisão constitucional, conseguirão manter essa coalizão político-eleitoral até transformá-la numa coalizão do governo. Se considerarmos que o PMDB, o PFL e o PDS estão sem estruturas nacionais, não é impossível uma vitória parlamentar e presidencial da coalizão de centro-esquerda em 94.

      Translation: The capital and medium-sized cities began to migrate toward the progressive vote, abandoning their historic chiefs and traditional oligarchies. It was evident that the political alliances of the PT, PSB, and PPS worked, it was understood and supported by the electorate. Where it did not exist, we lost, or the PT lost, as in Curitiba, Natal and São Luiz. The task now is to test, since it points toward 94, if the parties of the center-left coalition will know how to do more, not only consolidating an electoral majority but also a social one, in the example of Olivio Dutra, in Porto Alegre, and Telma de Souza in Santos. And also test if this party will be able to present to the country a governing program in 94, and if, facing the challenge of the Itamar government, the ballot initiative, and the constitutional amendment, the party will be able to maintain this political-electoral coalition until it transforms itself into a governing coalition. If we consider that the PMDB, the PFL and the PDS have no national structures, a parliamentary and presidential victory of the center-left coalition in 94 is not impossible.

  4. Jan 2017
    1. The current framework for the regulation of human subjects research e

      testing annotation

  5. Dec 2016
    1. To help uncover the larger stories buried in millions of documents, #footballleaks journalists used Hypothesis to create and share annotations, highlighting key findings and making connections that benefit the whole team. To ensure the privacy of their work, EIC installed a dedicated annotation server with added security measures that can be used in future investigations.

      I wonder if there's any chance they'd publish and open source these additional measures?

  6. Oct 2016
    1. develop a more pragmatic alliance policy attuned to the strategic necessities of the fractured Brazilian party system.[20]

      Full Citation: Teoria e Debate. 1995.6. “Era possível ganhar no primeiro turno.” Collected in Partido dos Trabalhadores Historical Archives, Projeto Memória e História, Fundação Perseu Abramo. Leiden, Netherlands: IDC.

      Click to access full source

      Analytic Note: This opinion piece by leading moderate Eduardo Jorge is an example of the return to viability logic in the aftermath of the success of the Plano Real and the popularity of the Cardoso government. (In the broader piece, not just the excerpt above) Jorge argues that the PT could have demolished the Brazilian right completely by making an electoral pact with the PSDB, that the failure of the PT (and left in general) to be willing to share power and make programmatic concessions has been one of the party’s greatest weaknesses, that the radical takeover of the party has prevented program from occurring and the promise of the 1st Congress from being realized, and that if the PT is ever to win power it will have to become much more pragmatic and flexible.

      Excerpt: O PT está diante de um problema que continuará, senão for desvelado e enfrentado até ao fim, nos confinando como um partido importante e representativo, mas incapaz de compartilhar hegemonia e de governar na democracia. Refiro-me à ideologia, à regra, à cultura tradicional nos partidos de esquerda, que implica buscar a qualquer custo, por quaisquer meios, violentos ou pacíficos, uma hegemonia total e, portanto, totalitária. Segundo esta mentalidade, todos os sectores, da associação de escoteiros à seleção nacional de futebol do sindicato ao Parlamento, devem ser iluminados por nossa ‘luz’, onipresente, onipotente e onisciente. É verdade que o PT vem lutando contra isso desde o seu nascimento e que no seu 1º Congresso, em 1991, aprovou por 70% a 30% dos votos dos delegados, a rejeição da ditadura do proletariado, a regra máxima do autoritarismo na esquerda. Mas a tradição é forte , recusa-se a morrer e encontra caminhos para voltar a oprimir nossas consciências socialistas. Foi o que aconteceu em 1993 e 94, com a base e a direção do partido empolgadas diante do favoritismo inicial da candidatura Lula, com a possibilidade de vitória solitária ou com aliados tratados com menosprezo ou queridos desde que submissos. É essa matriz que precisa ser abandonada.”

      Translation: The PT is facing a problem that will continue, if not unveiled and confronted to the end, confining ourselves to being an important and representative party, but one incapable of sharing hegemony and governing under democracy. I refer to the ideology, the rule, the traditional culture in parties of the left, which means seeking at any cost, by any means, violent or peaceful, a hegemony that is total, and therefore, totalitarian. According to this mentality, all sectors from the scout association to the national football team, the unions to the Parliament, must be illuminated by our 'light', omnipresent, omnipotent and omniscient. It is true that the PT has been fighting it since its birth and in its 1st Congress in 1991, approved by 70% to 30% of the votes of the delegates, rejected the dictatorship of the proletariat, the extreme law of authoritarianism on the left. But the tradition is strong, and refuses to die, finding ways to return and subjugate our socialist consciousness. That’s what happened in 1993 and 94, with the base and the head of the party motivated with the early successes of Lula's candidacy, with the chance of a solo victory or one together with disrespected allies or those that would be submissive. It is this attitude that must be left behind.”


      Full Citation: Folha de São Paulo. 1994.10.7. “A Missão Impossível.”

      Click to access full source

      Analytic Note: This opinion piece from Tarso Genro in the wake of the 1994 elections is another example of the return to viability appeals by moderates. Genro refers to the strategy of falling back on old radical Socialist ideas in order to win elections as a Mission Impossible, ridicules the notion of blaming the media for Lulas defeat, and posits that the left must find a new direction.

      Excerpt: "Hoje impossvel fundamentar um projeto estratgico no seu significado econmico-social, como foi possvel na cultura do velho socialismo revolucionrio e na social-democracia reformadora. Fernando Henrique compreendeu perfeitamente tudo isso e abdicou at da social-democracia. O PT no compreendeu e remendou o ``furo" do socialismo clssico com uma viso social-democrtica, obreirista reformista, to superada como o socialismo sovitico: foi um acordo com a conscincia antiga.... O pior, porm, que pode nos acontecer no momento , confirmada a derrota de Lula, culpar a grande mdia como se pudssemos ter uma estratgia de vitria com a solidariedade da mdia; buscando responsveis individuais como se a nossa linha de campanha no fosse resultado de uma cultura poltica."

      Translation: "Today it is impossible to support a strategic project in its economic and social sense, as it was possible in the culture of the old revolutionary socialism and that of progressive social democracy. Fernando Henrique fully understood all this and even renounced social democracy. The PT did not understand and fixed the problems of classic socialism with a social-democratic vision, a progressive working class, overcoming all as with Soviet socialism: it was an agreement with an old consciousness. The worst, however, that can happen to us at this moment, with the confirmed defeat of Lula, would be to blame the media - as if we could have a winning strategy with the solidarity of the media; seeking the guilty - as if the orientation of our campaign was not the result of our political culture."

    2. allowed them to regain the party leadership.[19]

      Full Citation: Folha de São Paulo. 1994.4.12. “Radicais reduzem influencia no partido.” Collected in Partido dos Trabalhadores Historical Archives, Projeto Memória e História, Fundação Perseu Abramo. Leiden, Netherlands: IDC.

      Click to access full source

      Analytic Note: This source provides evidence for the descriptive claim that some signs of decreasing radical influence could be found even before the 1994 presidential election and 1995 PT party congress (but after the implementation of the Plano Real). In the key state of São Paulo, moderates started to reassert control over the party machinery as the governance crisis began to abate.

      Excerpt: Os grupos de esquerda e extrema-esquerda diminuíram a vantagem que tinham em relação aos outros setores do PT paulista. A corrente interna que mais cresceu foi a “Unidade na Luta”, liderada por Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. O critério usado para a comparação é o número de delegados ao Encontro Nacional do partido que foram eleitos na convenção do PT paulista no último fim de semana. Em 93, as alas de esquerda e extrema apresentaram chapa conjunta e levaram 55,9% dos delegados. Em chapas separadas agora, somadas estas correntes ficaram com 50,9% dos eleitos. A “Unidade na Luta”, chamado de “centro” do PT, saltou de 32,3% dos delegados para 36,1%. Um pouco do acréscimo deve ser atribuído à queda do grupo liderado pelo deputado José Genoino, da “direita” do PT.

      Translation: Groups of the left and extreme-left saw their advantage decrease over other sectors of the PT of São Paulo. The internal current that grew the most was "Unity in Struggle", led by Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. The criterion used for comparison is the number of delegates to the National Meeting of the party who were elected at the convention of the PT in São Paulo last weekend. In 93, the left wing and extreme-left joined forces and took 55.9% of the delegates. Running separately now, together these factions got 50.9% of the vote. "Unity in Struggle," called the "center" of the PT, jumped from 32.3% to 36.1% of the delegates. A part of the increase should be attributed to the fall of the group led by Rep José Genoino, of the "right" of the PT.

    3. fierce battles between the moderate wing and the radical leadership over the content and direction of the Lula campaign. [18]

      Full Citation: Folha de São Paulo. 1994.1.25. “Lula tenta retomar comando do partido.” Collected in Partido dos Trabalhadores Historical Archives, Projeto Memória e História, Fundação Perseu Abramo. Leiden, Netherlands: IDC. Click to access full source

      Analytic Note: This source simply provides evidence and further background for the descriptive claim that internal conflicts were occurring within the party, especially between the Lula campaign and the radical leadership of the National Directorate.

      Excerpt: “Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva acha que é hora de passar para a sociedade que um eventual governo seu não vai ser dominado pelos sectores radicais do petismo. "O ano passado foi para todo mundo falar. Agora é hora de pôr ordem na casa", vem repetindo a amigos desde que resolveu tentar inverter o curso político interno que sua campanha estava tomando. Ao falar de 93, Lula referia-se à ascensão dos grupos mais radicais do petismo ao comando da máquina partidária. A queda do grupo mais ligado a ele correu no 8.º Encontro Nacional do PT, em junho, em Brasília. Como estava fazendo nos últimos anos, naquela ocasião Lula ausentou-se da discussão depois de uma tímida e frustrada tentativa de manter a hegemonia de sua ala, a antiga tendência Articulação. Mas a decisão de abrir para PSDB, PDT e até PMDB a cabeça de chapa em alguns Estados –imposta por Lula na reunião do Diretório Nacional no último fim de semana– não foi assimilada facilmente.”

      Translation: Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva thinks it high time we showed society that a Lula government will not be dominated by radical sectors of the PT. "Last year everybody could talk. Now it is time to put the house in order", he has been saying to his friends, since he decided to reverse his campaign’s political course. When speaking about 1993, Lula referred to the rise of radical groups commanding the party machinery. The fall of the group most connected to Lula occurred in the 8th National Meeting of the PT, in June, in Brasilia. As he has been doing in recent years, Lula made himself absent from the discussion after a timid and unsuccessful attempt to maintain the hegemony of his ward, the old faction “Articulação". But the decision to allow the PSDB, PDT and even PMDB nominate the main candidate in some states - imposed by Lula at the meeting of the National Directorate in the last weekend – was not easily embraced.

    1. fierce battles between the moderate wing and the radical leadership over the content and direction of the Lula campaign.18

      Full Citation: Folha de São Paulo. 1994.1.25. “Lula tenta retomar comando do partido.” Collected in Partido dos Trabalhadores Historical Archives, Projeto Memória e História, Fundação Perseu Abramo. Leiden, Netherlands: IDC. Click to access full source

      Analytic Note: This source simply provides evidence and further background for the descriptive claim that internal conflicts were occurring within the party, especially between the Lula campaign and the radical leadership of the National Directorate.

      Excerpt: “Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva acha que é hora de passar para a sociedade que um eventual governo seu não vai ser dominado pelos sectores radicais do petismo. "O ano passado foi para todo mundo falar. Agora é hora de pôr ordem na casa", vem repetindo a amigos desde que resolveu tentar inverter o curso político interno que sua campanha estava tomando. Ao falar de 93, Lula referia-se à ascensão dos grupos mais radicais do petismo ao comando da máquina partidária. A queda do grupo mais ligado a ele correu no 8.º Encontro Nacional do PT, em junho, em Brasília. Como estava fazendo nos últimos anos, naquela ocasião Lula ausentou-se da discussão depois de uma tímida e frustrada tentativa de manter a hegemonia de sua ala, a antiga tendência Articulação. Mas a decisão de abrir para PSDB, PDT e até PMDB a cabeça de chapa em alguns Estados –imposta por Lula na reunião do Diretório Nacional no último fim de semana– não foi assimilada facilmente.”

      Translation: Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva thinks it high time we showed society that a Lula government will not be dominated by radical sectors of the PT. "Last year everybody could talk. Now it is time to put the house in order", he has been saying to his friends, since he decided to reverse his campaign’s political course. When speaking about 1993, Lula referred to the rise of radical groups commanding the party machinery. The fall of the group most connected to Lula occurred in the 8th National Meeting of the PT, in June, in Brasilia. As he has been doing in recent years, Lula made himself absent from the discussion after a timid and unsuccessful attempt to maintain the hegemony of his ward, the old faction “Articulação". But the decision to allow the PSDB, PDT and even PMDB nominate the main candidate in some states - imposed by Lula at the meeting of the National Directorate in the last weekend – was not easily embraced.

    2. develop a more pragmatic alliance policy attuned to the strategic necessities of the fractured Brazilian party system.20

      Full Citation: Teoria e Debate. 1995.6. “Era possível ganhar no primeiro turno.” Collected in Partido dos Trabalhadores Historical Archives, Projeto Memória e História, Fundação Perseu Abramo. Leiden, Netherlands: IDC.

      Click to access full source

      Analytic Note: This opinion piece by leading moderate Eduardo Jorge is an example of the return to viability logic in the aftermath of the success of the Plano Real and the popularity of the Cardoso government. (In the broader piece, not just the excerpt above) Jorge argues that the PT could have demolished the Brazilian right completely by making an electoral pact with the PSDB, that the failure of the PT (and left in general) to be willing to share power and make programmatic concessions has been one of the party’s greatest weaknesses, that the radical takeover of the party has prevented program from occurring and the promise of the 1st Congress from being realized, and that if the PT is ever to win power it will have to become much more pragmatic and flexible.

      Excerpt: O PT está diante de um problema que continuará, senão for desvelado e enfrentado até ao fim, nos confinando como um partido importante e representativo, mas incapaz de compartilhar hegemonia e de governar na democracia. Refiro-me à ideologia, à regra, à cultura tradicional nos partidos de esquerda, que implica buscar a qualquer custo, por quaisquer meios, violentos ou pacíficos, uma hegemonia total e, portanto, totalitária. Segundo esta mentalidade, todos os sectores, da associação de escoteiros à seleção nacional de futebol do sindicato ao Parlamento, devem ser iluminados por nossa ‘luz’, onipresente, onipotente e onisciente. É verdade que o PT vem lutando contra isso desde o seu nascimento e que no seu 1º Congresso, em 1991, aprovou por 70% a 30% dos votos dos delegados, a rejeição da ditadura do proletariado, a regra máxima do autoritarismo na esquerda. Mas a tradição é forte , recusa-se a morrer e encontra caminhos para voltar a oprimir nossas consciências socialistas. Foi o que aconteceu em 1993 e 94, com a base e a direção do partido empolgadas diante do favoritismo inicial da candidatura Lula, com a possibilidade de vitória solitária ou com aliados tratados com menosprezo ou queridos desde que submissos. É essa matriz que precisa ser abandonada.”

      Translation: The PT is facing a problem that will continue, if not unveiled and confronted to the end, confining ourselves to being an important and representative party, but one incapable of sharing hegemony and governing under democracy. I refer to the ideology, the rule, the traditional culture in parties of the left, which means seeking at any cost, by any means, violent or peaceful, a hegemony that is total, and therefore, totalitarian. According to this mentality, all sectors from the scout association to the national football team, the unions to the Parliament, must be illuminated by our 'light', omnipresent, omnipotent and omniscient. It is true that the PT has been fighting it since its birth and in its 1st Congress in 1991, approved by 70% to 30% of the votes of the delegates, rejected the dictatorship of the proletariat, the extreme law of authoritarianism on the left. But the tradition is strong, and refuses to die, finding ways to return and subjugate our socialist consciousness. That’s what happened in 1993 and 94, with the base and the head of the party motivated with the early successes of Lula's candidacy, with the chance of a solo victory or one together with disrespected allies or those that would be submissive. It is this attitude that must be left behind.”


      Full Citation: Folha de São Paulo. 1994.10.7. “A Missão Impossível.”

      Click to access full source

      Analytic Note: This opinion piece from Tarso Genro in the wake of the 1994 elections is another example of the return to viability appeals by moderates. Genro refers to the strategy of falling back on old radical Socialist ideas in order to win elections as a Mission Impossible, ridicules the notion of blaming the media for Lulas defeat, and posits that the left must find a new direction.

      Excerpt: "Hoje impossvel fundamentar um projeto estratgico no seu significado econmico-social, como foi possvel na cultura do velho socialismo revolucionrio e na social-democracia reformadora. Fernando Henrique compreendeu perfeitamente tudo isso e abdicou at da social-democracia. O PT no compreendeu e remendou o ``furo" do socialismo clssico com uma viso social-democrtica, obreirista reformista, to superada como o socialismo sovitico: foi um acordo com a conscincia antiga.... O pior, porm, que pode nos acontecer no momento , confirmada a derrota de Lula, culpar a grande mdia como se pudssemos ter uma estratgia de vitria com a solidariedade da mdia; buscando responsveis individuais como se a nossa linha de campanha no fosse resultado de uma cultura poltica."

      Translation: "Today it is impossible to support a strategic project in its economic and social sense, as it was possible in the culture of the old revolutionary socialism and that of progressive social democracy. Fernando Henrique fully understood all this and even renounced social democracy. The PT did not understand and fixed the problems of classic socialism with a social-democratic vision, a progressive working class, overcoming all as with Soviet socialism: it was an agreement with an old consciousness. The worst, however, that can happen to us at this moment, with the confirmed defeat of Lula, would be to blame the media - as if we could have a winning strategy with the solidarity of the media; seeking the guilty - as if the orientation of our campaign was not the result of our political culture."

    3. allowed them to regain the party leadership.19

      Full Citation: Folha de São Paulo. 1994.4.12. “Radicais reduzem influencia no partido.” Collected in Partido dos Trabalhadores Historical Archives, Projeto Memória e História, Fundação Perseu Abramo. Leiden, Netherlands: IDC.

      Click to access full source

      Analytic Note: This source provides evidence for the descriptive claim that some signs of decreasing radical influence could be found even before the 1994 presidential election and 1995 PT party congress (but after the implementation of the Plano Real). In the key state of São Paulo, moderates started to reassert control over the party machinery as the governance crisis began to abate.

      Excerpt: Os grupos de esquerda e extrema-esquerda diminuíram a vantagem que tinham em relação aos outros setores do PT paulista. A corrente interna que mais cresceu foi a “Unidade na Luta”, liderada por Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. O critério usado para a comparação é o número de delegados ao Encontro Nacional do partido que foram eleitos na convenção do PT paulista no último fim de semana. Em 93, as alas de esquerda e extrema apresentaram chapa conjunta e levaram 55,9% dos delegados. Em chapas separadas agora, somadas estas correntes ficaram com 50,9% dos eleitos. A “Unidade na Luta”, chamado de “centro” do PT, saltou de 32,3% dos delegados para 36,1%. Um pouco do acréscimo deve ser atribuído à queda do grupo liderado pelo deputado José Genoino, da “direita” do PT.

      Translation: Groups of the left and extreme-left saw their advantage decrease over other sectors of the PT of São Paulo. The internal current that grew the most was "Unity in Struggle", led by Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. The criterion used for comparison is the number of delegates to the National Meeting of the party who were elected at the convention of the PT in São Paulo last weekend. In 93, the left wing and extreme-left joined forces and took 55.9% of the delegates. Running separately now, together these factions got 50.9% of the vote. "Unity in Struggle," called the "center" of the PT, jumped from 32.3% to 36.1% of the delegates. A part of the increase should be attributed to the fall of the group led by Rep José Genoino, of the "right" of the PT.

    Annotators

    1. In the aftermath of the second multiparty elections

      Sample annotation for testing

    Annotators

    1. amples are XXX

      Needs example here

    2. Possible deposit formats (with links to instructions) include Word comments, PDF comments, Word links with bookmarks and PDF links with bookmarks (recommended for LaTeX and markdown users).

      Need links and instructions here

  7. Sep 2016
  8. caltechlibrary.github.io caltechlibrary.github.io
    1. curl http://api.crossref.org/works/http://dx.doi.org/10.1103/PhysRevLett.116.061102 > cite1.txt

      I think people should almost always use content negotiation on doi.org. There's no need to remember multiple APIs

    2. Grande Finale!

      I think doing something with the new event-data stuff that DataCite and CrossRef are working on would be really cool (i.e. show dataset associated with a given article or so)

    3. Do you know of any research information serv

      But the cool thing is that we can actually already get this formatted into a citation -- woah:

      curl -LH "Accept: text/x-bibliography; style=apa" http://doi.org/10.1103/PhysRevLett.116.061102

    4. "Accept:text/bibliography; style=bibtex"

      This isn't actually a good way to request bibtex. It uses a clumsy citation style that hacks together bibtex. Better:

      curl -LH "Accept:application/x-bibtex" http://doi.org/10.1103/PhysRevLett.116.061102

    5. http://dx.doi.org/1

      We should use https://doi.org/ throughout. the dx is no longer necessary & discouraged

    1. The gh-pages branch

      Probably shouldn't just teach this using the new functionality as of August 2016) to generate pages from /docs in the master branch.

    2. get a DOI for a publication from Zenodo

      As per above, I really wonder if some version of executable document shouldn't be part of this: RMarkdown, SWeave, or even just plot.ly integration in Authorea

    3. Manuscripts are written using Google Docs

      I like google docs, but I feel really uneasy about pushing it for scientific writing. For one, it's version control isn't great: it's really hard to understand changes and, when writing in suggest mode, documents quickly become unmanageable. Also, if you ever lose access to your google account, you loose access to your docs.

    4. Make it easy to share the final version with collaborators and submit it to journals

      I think there's really more here, given the possibilities we have:

      1. Easily and without additional labor produce your material for the web (html), for paper/printing (pdf) and for e-readers (epub) and possibly even:
      2. Integrate data analysis in your articles, making them "executable."
    5. digital humanities

      Why not just "humanities"?

  9. Aug 2016
  10. Jan 2016
    1. Is this specific enought? Wouldn't the link require some property to be discoverable?

    2. How well are these already defined for datasets? Any best practices?