spiritual atom bomb.”

Mao badges

but the distribution of Mao’s works became an ideological tsunami

The drama lay not only in the conspiracy from Lin’s camp, and in Lin’s daughter revealing the plot to Premier Zhou Enlai, but also in the official handling of the incident.

The intensity of the performances helped convey to wavering members of the elite that they should not resist the movement.

The mangos, which had been given to Mao by Pakistani visitors, signaled that by 1968 the Chairman valued the reliable members of the working class more highly than the immature students. T

big character poster,” i

five black elements”

They were better suited for some tasks than others, but they purposely kept the bureaucracy on the defensive.

Communist Party ruled without serious challenge,

This second period was punctuated in 1971 by the violent death of Mao’s anointed successor, Lin Biao. This scandal unsettled most Chinese, leading the movement to drag on as an ailing Chairman Mao presided distantly and ineffectually over factional infighting until his death in 1976.

Mao also believed that the attainment of Communism was a serious issue, not an abstract theoretical quest.

Changing course abruptly, leaders abandoned the liberalism of the Hundred Flowers for a fierce anti-rightist campaign in 1957, in which a million intellectuals were labeled as “rightist elements,” many losing their jobs and some sent to labor reform camps for the next two decades.

The arts were intended to serve politics.

series of arts productions aimed at spreading revolutionary values by appealing to peasant audiences.

China’s revolutionary politics were also nationalist as well as modernizing, punctuated by strikes, demonstrations, and boycotts against foreign firms, and finally overwhelmed by the enormity of Japan’s invasion.

Qing Dynasty, which finally fell in 1911.

In contrast, this book draws out the connections between the isolated and beleaguered China of the 1960s and the newly risen global power of today. These two Chinas are not the opposites that we sometimes want them to be.

Like most revolutions, it overstayed its welcome.

May 1966 and lasted through the death of Mao Zedong in 1976.

These limitations, too, illustrate the selective audience atten-tion to Pussy Riot. In addition, although the media events inwhich Pussy Riot appeared are expected to provide ampleroom for active discussions on its political advocacy, the resultsstill show that these events turn out to not yield moments inwhich Western audiences readily engage with Pussy Riot’s pro-tests.

. These users display a political cos-mopolitan self as they mostly remain at the level of institutionalpolitics rather than engaging with Pussy Riot’s explicit politicaladvocacy

Riot is that the media are strikingly present, while PussyRiot’s explicit political advocacy is strikingly abse

A binderful of women, a slew of slit, a clot of clams, a transvaginal oftrim, a vulgarity of vaginae, a coven of cunts, a riot of pussy

he tweet does not tell us any-thing about what was discussed during the appearance of PussyRiot at the event, but rather that it was worthwhile to be presentas various celebrities and stars introduced and discussed Tolo-konnikova and Alyokhina and their activist practices. T

rms. Here, then, we see ahighbrow cosmopolitan self.Second, only eight percent of the hashtags refer directly to po-litics, but do not seem to touch upon those matters that are moredirectly central to Pussy Riot’s political advocacy. Rather, thesehashtags remain largely in the domain of institutionalized politicswith references to Putin, Obama, ambassadors, the UN and othersimilar institutional political issues and actors. S

witter pro-vides an interesting empirical avenue to study how audiences talkabout foreign political struggles and communicate their cosmopoli-tan selves to others both far away and close by. I

without necessarily being their ‘official’spokesperson

We argue that such media con-sumption affords cosmopolitan expressions as Western audien-ces engage with (i) mediatized protests of artists who (ii)explicitly address political issues that revolve largely aroundthe Western core value of human rights, as a way to demon-strate their engagement with distant others. This is particularlyvisible on social media where individuals can share ideas ineveryday life (Bennett and Segerberg, 2012). T

rawing on the(Western) punk genre, Pussy Riot uses public performances withexplicit lyrics to convey their critique on Putin’s regime and tradi-tional domestic institutions, such as the Russian OrthodoxChurch.

witter users predominantly talk about Pussy Riot’s mediaappearances rather than readily engage with its explicit political advocac

Conclusions

sounded like when spoken by an uneducated slave

contraband

C. T. Beauman was a comedic composer to some extent,