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  1. Jul 2024
    1. the erosion between whiteness andgainful employment that Davidson and Saul arguedled to a cultural backlash from white Americans andhas caused them to move from the left to the far-rightas a form of retaliation against the neoliberal cosmo-politan left.

      for - key insight - gainful employment of white working class led to cultural backlash and shift from left to far-right - to - Neoliberalism and the Far-Right: A Contradictory Embrace

      key insight - gainful employment of white working class led to cultural backlash and shift from left to far-right - source - Davidson and Saul

      to - Neoliberalism and the Far-Right: A Contradictory Embrace - https://hyp.is/8Hf0lDzqEe-KM9dQxJDxsw/core.ac.uk/download/pdf/84148846.pdf

    2. The job losses described here are notupper management positions but rather jobs formerlyoccupied by the white working class.

      for - types of jobs lost to China - adjacency - job losses of white working class - far-right support for nationalism and protectionism

      types of jobs lost to China - mostly white working class - upper management jobs did not suffer much job loss

      adjacency - between decimated white working class - far-right - nationalism - protectionism - adjacency relationship - The decimated white working class are strong supporters of far-right politics - Pain and suffering of the white working class is a root cause for voting against perceived neoliberalism, which they blame for their loss of livelihood Protectionism and nationalism is a desire to bring the jobs back home

  2. Feb 2019
    1. This is not the first time that the US “common man” has embraced populism. Who said the following? “What are the real issues that exist today in these United States? It is the trend of pseudointellectual government where a select elite group have written guidelines in bureaus and court decisions… looking down their noses at the average man on the street … the auto workers, … the little businessman…” (quoted in Cowie: http://digitalcommons.ilr.cornell.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1919&context=articles) This was George Wallace, in 1972, the year he scored a victory in the Democratic primary in Michigan, due primarily to “working-class” opposition to school busing on the heels of white flight to the suburbs. His “populist” message of “anti-elitism”, “anti-crime” and anti-busing wasn’t openly racist, but that was its content. Dewey Burton, the young male symbol of the 1970s (white) working class followed for years by the US media (as told by Cowie, above) was not a racist in his personal attitudes, but his alienation from ossified New Deal politics within a Fordist economic model that provided “only” high-wage job security (and for fewer and fewer people) manifested itself in a form that is fairly indistinguishable from the suddenly new “revolt” of the white working class in the rust belt in 2016 – and this well before Fordism entered into its terminal crisis later in the 70s.

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