On 2015 Dec 28, Lydia Maniatis commented:
Part 1. I have criticized Purves and colleagues' various iterations of the “wholly empirical” account of visual perception in various comments on PubMed Commons and on PubPeer. Here, I want to present a more comprehensive and organized critique, focussing on a study that has served as a centerpiece of these accounts. I think it is important to clarify the fact that the story is profoundly inadequate at both the conceptual and the methodological levels, and fails to meet fundamental criteria of empirical science (logical consistency and testability). Such criticism (which is not welcome in the published literature) is important, because if “anything goes” in published research at even the most elite journals, then this literature cannot help to construct the conceptual infrastructure necessary for progress in the visual sciences.
Conceptual problems
LACK OF THEORETICAL MOTIVATION
The hypothesis that the authors claim to have tested is effectively conjured out of thin air, subsequent to an exposition that is inaccurate, inadequate, and incoherent.
The phenomenon to be explained is inadequately described. We are told, first, that the luminance of a “visual target” elicits a “brightness” percept that can vary according to “context.”
The term brightness, here, is being used to refer to the impression of white-gray-black that a surface may elicit (and which is currently referred to by researchers as its “lightness.”) However, surfaces do not necessarily, or even usually, elicit a unitary percept; they often produce the impression of double layers, e.g. a shadow overlying a solid surface. Both the shadow and the surface have a perceptual valence, a “brightness.” Indeed, it is under conditions where one “target” appears to lie within the confines of a double layer, and the other does not, that the most extreme apparent differences between equiluminant targets arise.
The logic is simple: If a surface appears to lie under a shadow, then it will appear lighter than an equiluminant target that appears to lie outside of the shadow, because a target that emits the same amount of light under a lower illumination as one under stronger illumination must have a higher light-reflecting tendency (and this is what the visual system labels using the white-gray-black code.). The phenomenon and logic of double layers is not even intimated at by these Yang and Purves (2004); rather, the impression created is that the relationship between “brightnesses” under different “contexts” is not in the least understood or even amenable to rational analysis. (In addition, the achromatic conditions being considered are rare or even non-existent in natural, daytime conditions; but the more complex phenomenon of chromatic contrast is not mentioned.)
After this casual attempt to convince readers that vision science is completely in the dark on the subject of “brightness,” the authors assert that “A growing body of evidence has shown that the visual system uses the statistics of stimulus features in natural environments to generate visual percepts of the physical world.” No empirical studies are cited or described to clarify or support this rather opaque assertion. The only citation is of a book containing, not evidence, but “models” of brain function. The authors go on to state that “if so, the visual system must incorporate these statistics as a central feature of processing relevant to brightness and other visual qualia.” (It should be noted that the terms “statistics” and “features” here contain no concrete information. The authors could be counting the stones on Brighton beach.)
Even if we gave the authors the latitude to define “statistics” and “features” any way they wish, the following sentence would still come out of the blue: “Accordingly, we propose that the perceived brightness elicited by the luminance of a target in any given context is based on the value of the target luminance in the probability distribution function of the possible values that co-occur with that contextual luminance experienced during evolution. In particular, whenever the target luminance in a given context corresponds to a higher value in the probability distribution function of the possible luminance values in that context, the brightness of the target will be greater than the brightness elicited by the same luminance in contexts in which that luminance has a lower value in the probability distribution function.”
This frequency-percept correlation, in combination with the claim that it has come about on the basis of evolution by natural selection, is the working hypothesis. It is a pure guess; it does not follow naturally from anything that has come before, nor, for that matter, from the principles of natural selection (see below). It is, frankly, bizarre. If it could be corroborated, it would be a result in need of an explanation. As it is, it has not been corroborated, or even tested, nor is it amenable to testing (see below).
THE HYPOTHESIS
The hypothesis offered is said to “explain” a narrow set of lightness demonstrations. Each consists of two displays, both containing a surface of luminance x; despite being equiluminant, these surfaces differ in their appearance, one appearing lighter than the other.
The claim is as follows: The visual system has evolved to represent as lighter those surfaces that appear more frequently in one “context” than in another. Thus, in each display, the surface that appears lighter must have been encountered more often in that particular “context” during the course of evolution. It is because seeing the higher-frequency target/context combination as lighter was “optimal” this situation arose. More specifically, it is because the response “lighter” to a target in one “context” and “darker” to a target in another context, and so on for contexts in-between, has had, over evolutionary time, positive adaptive effects, that these percepts have become instantiated in the visual process.
DO ORGANISMS TRACK ABSOLUTE AND RELATIVE LIGHT INTENSITY OVER MOMENTS, HOURS, DAYS, EONS, AT ALL POINTS IN THE RETINAL IMAGE, AND WHEN DID THEY STOP DOING THIS?
The hypothesis would appear to presuppose that organisms can discriminate between, and keep track of, the absolute luminances of various “targets” in various “contexts,” as they have been encountered with every glance, of every individual (or at least the ancestors of every individual), at every point in the visual image, every moment, hour, day, across the evolutionary trajectory of the species. There is no suggestion as to how these absolute luminances might be tracked, even “in effect.” Not only is it difficult to imagine what mechanism (other than a miracle) might allow such (species-wide) data collection (or its equivalent) to arise, it runs contrary to the physiology of the visual system, in which inhibitory mechanisms ensure that relative, not absolute, luminance information, is coded even at the lowest levels of the nervous system. Furthermore, given that lightness perception does not change across an individual's lifetime, nor depend on their particular visual experience, it would seem that this process of statistical accumulation must have stopped at some point during our evolution. So we have to ask, when do the authors suppose this (impossible) process to have stopped, why did it stop, and what were the relevant environments at that time and previously? (The logical assumption that the authors suppose the process has, in fact, stopped is reinforced when they refer to “instantiated” rather than developing “statistical structures.”)
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