- Apr 2021
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laulima.hawaii.edu laulima.hawaii.edu
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Interactions such as these exhibit “dual indexicality”—they simultaneously index two opposing subject positions
What is 'dual indexicality'? Give an example.
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Socialization is not the acquisition of cultural practices but, rather, the con-tinuous production of different cultural practices
What does this mean and why is it important to say it?
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Segregation based on gender and race is discrimination, but people often view segregation based on age as natural, inevitable, and right.2
Why do we consider gender and race segregation discriminatory, but not age discrimination?
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All of these different ways of avoiding giving—hiding, turning goods into commodities, presenting oneself as an animator, lying—are manipulations of signs. Through these manipulations, one can conceal the link between people and material goods that marks possession and a responsibility to give
Berman is using the specialized theories of linguistic anthropology to analyze life in Jajikon. How do these theories take us deeper into the worldview of her hosts? Or perhaps do we not need all this scientific mumbojumbo to understand how people avoid giving?
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speaking directly is dangerous: it can mean laying claim to a lie, a request, a re-fusal, a criticism, gossip, or knowledge. It can also mean taking responsibility for goods and marking oneself as a possessor who has an obligation to give. In such difficult situations, adults often use indirection to separate themselves from dan-gerous words and acts
Are there other Pacific peoples who use indirect speaking because they believe direct speech is dangerous? Can you think of examples of indirect speech here in Hawai‘i or other Pacific places which connect them with Micronesia?
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Karlin leaned toward me with anticipation. ‘There is soda in Liklob.’
These two sentences begin a story that will span the entire chapter. Using what you know about the rhetoric of ethnography, please tell me how Berman uses immediate and distanced narratives, as well as confessional and realistic styles, in order to tell her story across this whole chapter?
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f actions lead to power as opposed to the other way around, and age is power, then age is something not simply assigned by nature or the passing of time but, instead, achieved through action. I
Goodness. Can someone explain what this passage means to me? It seems to be central to her argument in this book, but lines like "If actions lead to power as opposed to the other way around" seem very difficult to understand. What does this sentence means? Can you explain it, or do you need help understanding it? I guess this is a request for a comprehension check.
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Figure 1.5
Dvorak taught us to think carefully about images. What is up with Berman's decision to pixelate out people's faces? What did you think of that?
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ust as marriage can be bittersweet, involving both loss and gain, sharing children in the RMI reinforces family ties while also creating feelings of sadness. ‘It was hard,’ Pinla said, referring to her effort to keep her daughter. ‘I am staying in their house.’Pinla soon returned to Jajikon. The baby stayed in Majuro, with Terij.
I am curious to know what people think about this case of adoption. Berman seems to show a situation. We tend to be pro-Pacific Island culture and pro-human rights, but in this case, it seems a woman's right to raise her child is in tension with a cultural system where the elderly have power and the young must submit. What were your reactions to this passage? Am I mischaracterizing it?
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- Mar 2021
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laulima.hawaii.edu laulima.hawaii.edu
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Samaria has spread beyond Tanna as village families developed new trans-island connections
We know from Hau‘ofa that islanders are mobile. But given the fact that Monty includes Maui and a Scottish missionary are feature characters in the book, and also given the fact that he now includes in his ethnography the Tannaese diaspore in Port Vila, what is the topic of Monty's book? Tanna? Samaria? Islanders? Something else?
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It is a tricky business when one’s culture goes on sale in the global tourism marketplace as primitive and peculiar.
Monty seems to believe that tourism is a pretty good deal for Tanna. Given what we know about tourism in Hawai‘i (and perhaps other places you'd like to share about), do you agree or disagree with him? And why?
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Anthropologists, too, like to tell other people’s stories. We carry these from one place to another. And we, too, hope that this cultivates new understandings and deeper mutual appreciation among those living on last, or rst, islands
Monty seems to be making an argument here that anthropologists and islanders are very similar. What is his argument here and do you agree with it?
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- Feb 2021
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laulima.hawaii.edu laulima.hawaii.edu
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Recently anthropologists have rec-ognized the importance of space in anthropological analysis.
Most of these citations are over 20 years old -- how 'recent' is this? Also, many of these people are not anthropologists.
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This book is unique. It uses a Tongan theory to explain a Tongan practice.
How is Tevita different than Ira? Regarding numbered list at the start of this paragraph.
Re: 1. What is the difference between between an 'active agent' rather than an 'object'? Did Ira treat Orokaiva people as 'objects'? Can we automatically assume Tevita does not treat Tongans like objects just because he is Tongan?
Does incorporating 'protocols and practices' refer to fieldwork as a way of knowing of ethnography as a way of writing (or none or both)?
Was Ira's research relevant, responsible, and respectful? How 'indigenous' is treating people decently?
It is true that Tevita is an insider and Ira is not, but they both use local cultural categories to analyze local life. How is using local categories different from doing 'theory'?
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I have advanced Māhina’s tā-vā theory of reality in several ways.
Here's the second contribution
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in this chapter
This section seems to short to be a proper chapter.
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“tuku ia mo e fakahela” (do not burden yourself ). Tongans say this phrase when they want to prevent someone from giving too much to maintain beautiful sociospatial relations. It is a common practice within tauhi vā to avoid fakahela‘i(burdening or tiring) one’s kāinga.
In the previous section we were told people were giving up their rent money (perhaps due to 'peer pressue') to give all they had. Now we are told they shouldn't do this? Is this consistent with the previous passage?
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Afe reported that there were people who gave $700 to a fundraising event at the Lahaina Civic Cen-ter (community center) and were unable to pay their rent the following week. When people feel māfana (warmth), they give all their money and they have no money to pay their rent.
Can we read this against the grain? Are people really happy to put their housing at risk? Could we read this as exploitative? There are many negative stereotypes of Pacific culture and pathological or unsuited to modernity. Is this proof of that?
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hat “si‘i kae hā” is related to tauhi vā. Tauhi vā, according to Toluta‘u, is done with whatever you have—words, acts, koloa [mats, tapas], or plantation foods, for example. Even though your resources may be small, you still need to show up and help with community,
Ah -- this seems to be the central topic or claim of the chapter.
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problems surface when the focus shifts from the form to the amount of resources
It's about the form -- giving -- rather than the content -- the amount given. That's interesting.
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a warning to avoid spending resources to seek self-praise while neglecting social responsibilities to kin
Well, we were just told that the form is more important than the content. Now it turns out that content is also important -- you should not give too much. This is a classic theme in the literature on reciprocity.
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Talamu‘aki: Foreword
This is optional reading
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