Providing anumber of visas to countries that are experiencing severe climate change will seedfuture migration through social networks and support those unable to move who needto adapt in place through remittances.

Instead, they would just provide a path to perma-nent migration for a stream of migrants from the sending country, whether or not theindividual migrants report that they are experiencing adverse effects of climate change.

One avenue forward is that visas could be issued for countriesfacing all three types of migration – disaster, strategic, and managed retreat

how would strategic migrants establish that itis climate that caused them to move?

A new legal and bureaucratic category of a climate migrant would be very difficult, ifnot impossible to administer.

One ques-tion is whether we need a new legal category of migrant (Williams 2008).

trapped populations, people who cannot or will not move, butwhose adaptation in place will increasingly fail

ea level rise and destruc-tion of ecosystems and livelihoods will cause two types of migration: strategic migrationand managed retreat. Strategic migration is a choice made by individuals. It can beeconomically motivated or specifically because of a perception that staying in placewill be impossible or costly because of climate change (Castro 2023). Managed retreatis the organized movement of communities away from hazards. It will become inevitablein some places, like low lying island nations and other places that become uninhabitable,yet it is highly undesirable and often fiercely resisted

Thisproduces disaster migration. It is unplanned and rapid.

People generally move to places where they know people, where family orfriends have already settled

involving ‘conflict, disease, pol-itical change and economic crises’ (Kemp et al. 2022, 6). Should such large scale societaldisruptions occur, migration would surely follow

Estimating the volume of climate migration produces highly varied estimates. Ques-tions about how much the climate will warm, whether the effects will be linear or includetipping points that drastically change climate and cause sea level rise, the role of climatechange as a threat multiplier leading to conflict and government collapse, and the ways inwhich countries will adapt to rising numbers of potential migrants by closing or openingborders are all implicated in these estimates.

coping with the long-term integration of climate migrantsin the decades to come

argue that while climate migration will pose many chal-lenges, it also can be framed positively, and we can use what we know from migrationscholarship to craft policies and to further research that will lead to better outcomesfor both migrants and receiving communities

successful integration of largenumbers of migrants fleeing climate change should be a toppriority not least because this success will help to preserve thesocial trust that is necessary for successful climate mitigationefforts

is for richcountries to allocate extra visas to poorer countries that aresuffering the effects of climate migration, partly as reparations forclimate injustice.

Furthermore, TPS beneficiaries must reside and be physically present in the United States at the time ofa TPS designation to access protection

TPSis a blanket form of humanitarian relief which allows qualifying nationals of designated countries toremain in the United States and obtain work authorization.

facepersecution because of a lack of effective state protection

provide access to a durablestatus, work authorization, and naturalization;

While the asylum and refugeeprotection systems offer protection to some individuals impacted by climate change who have alsosuffered other persecution, there are no formal protection pathways for climate-displaced people underU.S. law. Temporary designations, such as humanitarian parole, do not offer a systemic response toprovide lasting protections to those displaced by climate change

Jozef said that after HBA replaced the tents destroyed by theJanuary 2023 bomb cyclone, additional rain storms in late February 2023 destroyed the new tents

migrants to cross dangerous terrain by foot, making them vulnerable to the adverseeffects of climate change along the journey to the United States-Mexico border

will further endanger asylumseekers and refugees, including those displaced in the context of climate change, by making themineligible for protection based solely on their manner of entry.

ransit through the country to reach the U.S.border,

asylum in 2015 after the government illegally appropriated their tribal lands,leaving them vulnerable to homelessness and gang violence

Several asylum seekers interviewed by the research teamreported that organized criminal groups had taken advantage of precarious conditions resulting fromclimate change to exploit their communities, including

recruiting people no longer able to supportthemselves.

pay extortion fees demanded by gangs controlling the area

The family fled after gang members killed the woman’s brother and uncle andkidnapped her husband.

manner and to a degree amounting to persecution

He toldthe research team that he had applied for government aid to rebuild his house, but that hisapplication was denied. “They left me with practically nothing,” he said.

A Mexican woman fleeing an abusive partner reported that her riverside community wasflooded by heavy rains in 2022, forcing her to close her travel agency business and impeding herability to support her children. The woman noted that there were more storms that forced theclosure of local businesses in 2022 than ever before

threats by gang members who killed her son reportedthat floods from heavy rains over the past two years destroyed her home and heavily damagedthe family’s chicken farm, leaving them without an income.

intersecting threats push people to seek safety across international borders.

Adopt climate-specific protection and resettlement pathways

he's just a big parrot

Henry

and while we took a certain joy inwatching her fall, it was disorienting to see her with so littleconfidence.

"Remember to turn off and unplug after use."

My sister's the type who religiously watches the fear segments of her local Eyewitness News broadcasts

omes arehighly reliant on the individual decision ma

edominantly conducted by an agenwhose fundamental mission has little to do with h

an "era of redefinition" andthat asylum claims henceforth could be decided without any foreign-policyinfluence

ips. However, the administration was ultimately unsuccessful in preving the development of a policy regime based firmly in legal advocacy. Leglessons, strategies, and best practices from the early successes and failures ofHaitian advocates were passed to Central American advo

ommunist, the Reagan administration portrathe asylum seekers as economic migrants, not as po

on clause. The Court concluded thatbecause the language of the statute did not discriminate based

85 found that "hostile statapplicants were 3491.4 percent more likely to obtain refugee status than wereapplicants from non-hostil

d: "We had a definition, but a lot of pressure not to ap

This was almost a footno

outh Florida. The program gave thegreat leeway to detain Haitians and quickly deny their asylum claims befreturning them to Ha

Nixon, and Carter used their executive authority to parole additional peobeyond that cap.18 As these actions became increasingly frequent, key memberCongress grew frustrated with what they viewed as an executive bypasslegislative authority over immigration admissions.19 To restore congressiooversight, a legislative revision appear

d States took afairly unilateral approach to refugee policy. The United States admitted peoplebased on its own refugee definition that paid homage to, but was much moreideologically restrictive than, the definition in the UN Refugee Convention. Mea

ef Act of 1953, which established its own Americrefugee resettlement bureaucracy and admitted 214,000 displaced people fEurope.1

to participate in the drafting of the 1951 UN Refugee Convention, but choseto ratify the Conv

ism. Third, in the1980s the field of asylum cause law grew in response to the resistance of PresidentReagan's Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS) to implementing the 1980Refugee A

. Many Americans, myself included, believe in deporting unlawful immigranbut see a different imperative wit

Afaf, a mother of eight children, four of whom were inthe United States, also prepared food that the resettlement agency purchasedfrom her for arriving families.

The womenshared tea during their breaks, and on Fridays when there was no class, theyheld get-togethers, preparing meals of yogurt and bread fatta or eggs and falafelto share alongside strong Arabic coffee and black tea. These were spaces tounwind and crack jokes while listening to the latest in Arabic pop music,

While the demands ofthe self-sufficiency imperative were met by their spouses, women, includingRima, were able to attend English class.

Part of that involved shiftingtheir labor, as women and men.

Still, he did not expect this reaction from his employer. He thoughthe had been doing well and that he was well liked

The thread went dead after that. “They just wanta handout,” Nader said, shrugging.

However,this wasn’t advertised or promised, and the agency policy was to end finan-cial assistance after the Welcome Money was depleted or shortly thereafter.

Many new arrivals would not learn to identify with others who wereminoritized, nor would they identify their own position within the Americanracial hierarchy.

it wasfurther confirmed that the police were something to be avoided.18

unable todifferentiate what could be thrown away from what was consequential for thecontinuation of their assistance.

premise that the state is not responsible for mitigating the impacts ofthe market.14

so long as [the vettingprocess] is fully implemented and not diluted, it will allow us to safely admit themost vulnerable refugees while protecting the American.

projected 110,000 for2016 by President Obama to just 18,000 for 2021.

English classes at the high schoolshe attended in Syria

Their cities and family homes had long been destroyed by the war.Relinquishing additional parts of their identity felt traumatic

Mike Pence

International Organization for Migration (IOM)van.

because of theirrole in the crisis sparked by the 2003 US invasion and subsequent civil war

2017 wasdisplaced following the 2003 US invasion and the 2006–2008 Iraqi civil war,

the strategic interest of the US to shift the economic burden of supporting refugeesonto the Iranian government in order to weaken an adversarial regime

trans-border, ethnic and economic networkswere able to support large displacements in Iran and Pakistan

hese elements made localintegration and repatriation more practical options for the US policy towards Afghanrefugees. In addition, it was in the interest of Pakistan to offer temporary refuge forrefugees who doubled as insurgents battling the Afghan Government as their mutualenemy.

The US did not accept a broader responsibilityfor the millions displaced in Iran or Pakistan, instead funding humanitarian aid andrepatriation.

“With repatriation now a real possibility for manyAfghans and Iraqis, we expect to process [for resettlement] only extremely vulner-able refugees from those countries who cannot return to their homes.”

The US refugee policy in the region was to offer aid, rather than resettlement –some USD 26 million for food and local relief efforts in 1980, administered mostlythrough the Government of Pakistan and UNHCR.

I hypothesise that if the US is a closeally with a neighbour of Iraq or Afghanistan, it may prioritise the neighbouring coun-tries’ interests by resettling more refugees from the neighbouring territories.

less

his programme was, in part, a recognitionthat the US had a moral responsibility to support the Vietnamese refugees who werein danger because of US military actions

but rather the US relationships with the neighbouringcountries.

considered which Vietnamese to include inthe evacuation.

“escapees” or “defectors” and were used for their symbolic and propaganda value to“serve to embarrass enemy nations and discredit their political systems”

1) to undermine enemies by welcoming defectors, 2) to mitigate damagecreated by foreign policy failures, and 3) the politics of neighbours.

DHS officers traveling to Afghanistan and the surrounding region to process applica-tions. These two factors

security does not ex-plain why the US prioritised Iraqis and not Afghans

n this way, the differences in US refugee policy toward Iraqis and Afghans cannotbe explained by international law.

that countries interpret and apply international refugee law in different ways, leadingto large variations in asylum recognition rates

analysed as a foreign policy,taking into account strategic interests, geopolitical alliances, and regional dynamics.

Fundamentally, it is not American relationships with refugee-producing countries, but rather their neighbours – the refugee-receiving countries – thatdetermines how the US prioritizes refugee resettlement.

This article finds that US refugee policy isoften used as a foreign policy tool to pursue strategic interests within the politics of neigh-bours.

Since women control these employment networks – theyare spaces where men have little say or sway – it also enables them to command themigration processes associated with them

ne hundred years later, the colonial render-ings of Indigenous women as a racialized source of ‘degraded labor’ became incorporatedinto the post-revolutionary nation-building project

acialized because it was a uniquesphere of intimate interaction in which the difference between the mestiza (marked asthe employer) and the racially marked ‘other’

Finally,women also generated new forms of social capital through interactions with theiremployers and other women working in the same household or neighbourhood

They generated migration and employment networks in which they matched femalefriends and family with their employer’s contacts. Sandoval-Cervantes (2017) findsthat this helped migrant women develop a sense of autonomy and independence notfound in other migrant contexts at the time.

marriages or abusive part-ners.

, ‘Hey girls, will you help me? If Idon’t like it there, will you help me to come home? Help me pay for my return?’ Theyagreed

social capital through interactions with theiremployers and other women working in the same household or neighbourhood

When one of them, Teresa,returned to visit the family, Nachita recounts that she ‘wore shoes and a pretty dress.And I thought, well I can work too and have shoes too!’

Nachita told me about howyoung girls, mostly the poorest of the poor, migrated for work.

began to migrate tourban centres where they would engage in paid domestic work.

While post-revo-lutionary nationalist discourses and policies celebrated women as wives and mothers,domestic workers were expected to remain childless to better serve their employers.They were the invisible support aiding the growth and coherence of middle-class,mestizo, families

nabled Black and Chicana women to leavedomestic service and find other areas of employment.9 Meanwhile, immigrant women– mostly Mexican – took their place, especially in areas with high rates of Latino immi-gration.

could find jobs

but entire families were recruited to live in camps near agriculturalfields, often in squalid and exploitative situations

Drawing on previous employmentand social connections, they generated migrant networks through which they sharedimportant information about how to migrate and find to work, thus making migrationeasier for friends and family members to follow in their footsteps

inferior servants, and how this came to inform their migration patternswithin a particular moment of Mexico’s economic and political history

the dark underbelly of capitalism, its backstage operations where cheap and irre-gular labour is used up in the search for hyperprofit’

and racismenshrines the inequalities that capitalism requires.

‘cannot function if we all areallowed to become fully human’ (

They foundwork in one of the most devalued spheres of labour, domestic service

acial capitalism

Subsequently, they helped other women tomigrate.

specialty occupations

eyond permanent admissions, the United States also admits hundreds of thousands of workers,foreign students, and exchange visitors annually for temporary residence through a broad swath ofvisa categories, assigned letters of the alphabet from A through V. While temporary visas do not leaddirectly to a green card, temporary visa holders in some cases can get one if they are able to find afamily member or employer to sponsor them.

but was 12 years for relatives from the Philippines—and more than 21 yearsfor those from Mexico. As of November 2018, there were 3.7 million people waiting in line abroad for afamily-sponsored green card, and 121,000 awaiting an employment-sponsored green card

, randomly selecting winnerswho will be invited to apply for a green card if they meet some basic criteria

“Skilled workers” (foreign nationalscapable of performing skilled labor,requiring at least two years of experience)-- “Professional workers” (foreign nationalswho hold at least a baccalaureate degree)-- “Other workers” (foreign nationalscapable of performing unskilled labor

tacit

by shifting back and forth between jobs in the informal and ethnic economies, but rarelyexperiencing real economic mobility

Those whoused their English to find work in hospitality and tourism were waiters or receptionistsor started their own businesses that cater to English-speaking persons. English languagecapability has enabled some female return migrants to bypass traditional domestic serviceand find work as English teachers or move to tourist towns where they can demand a highersalary because of their language skills

etail an

Migrants listed hard-to-measure personal achievementsand competences such as initiative, responsibility, self-confidence, follow-through,punctuality, and presentation of self, along with a number of social skills,

Men reportedthe transfer of construction, carpentry, and automotive repair skills; women reported foodand beverage preparation skills and some support and managerial skills such as computerand data entry knowledge.

“hard work ethic” and“punctuality” of immigrants workers

here the isolation and nature of thesocial relations are limited to unequal personal exchanges with employers,

butalso because migrants can apply skills learned at home and learn new ones abroad.

Some respondents were recommendedbecause of their particular skill sets.

Thus, some entered entry-level jobs asdishwashers and helpers, while others entered those same industries as cooks and skilledmasons.

host country language facility, formal education, vocational classes,and on-the-job training programs

These transitions werein part facilitated by the acquisition of off-the-job skills acquired in the social spheresof household and community before paid employment.

hey were morelikely than men to discuss not only the technical skills they acquired in their jobs, includingcooking, cleaning, and caregiving, but also social competences, such as team work andintergroup communication skills. Their jobs as receptionists, secretaries, domestics, andcooks made them good candidates for similar positions in the US

Informal (on the job): Observation, social interaction withcoworkers, experimentation and practice at work

Formal learning captures skills and knowledgeacquired through a structured set of learning experiences leading to credentials orqualifications that are recognized beyond the workplace or local industry (Misko 2008), andare thus more easily transferable across local, regional, and national labor markets. Skillsacquired in non-formal social contexts refer to those developed by workplaces for purposesof skill development, such as on-the-job training programs or formal demonstrationsby experienced co-workers (Misko 2008)

82% 86% 61%

Skill level 1 Work that involves repetitive tasks, e.g., dishwasher, leather cutter,laborer who mows lawns.Skill level 2 Requires experience and formal or informal training. Involvesmultitasking or the mastery of a specific skill, e.g., painter, gardenerwith multiple tasks, such as mowing lawns, pruning trees andbuilding walls.Skill level 3 Workers who have experienced extensive occupational mobilityover time and mastered all skills within an occupation throughextensive formal or informal training, e.g., maestro albañil, shoedesigner, factory floor supervisor, carpenter, nurse, teacher.

ompared to men, women more often citedsocial reasons for migrating, including joining a family member, usually a spouse, a reasonthat the literature reflects

human capital skills as a lifelong social process thatis embedded in social networks, families, communities, and labor markets at both ends ofthe migratory stream.

y not accounting for source country on- and off-the-job human capital investments, researchers ignore the value of home country skills forlearning new ones and the role that skill transfers potentially play in the learning and workexperiences of immigrants and return migrants.