how has this affected theway they buy and use other commodities

making easy payments for packaged homes in packagedsuburbs.

buying a housebecame the end point of a consumer continuum

as anonymous buyers shopped(using model homes), arranged finance, budgeted and then workedon their dwellings. Like other goods, houses became items ofconsumption

the package came to include a specific array ofservices and neighbourhood features.

helpful staff

‘central place’ not only in their efforts to save butalso to ‘accumulate wealth’

more economical’

Buyers could now increase their existing mortgage to financeimprovements without going through the uncertainty and expenseof applying for a separate loan. This reduced the cost of medium-term finance for all types of home improvements

a predictable pattern ofinvestment, savings and spending.

It wasessential that lenders be willing to make loans, and preferably ongenerous terms, to the new housing consumer.

Facing criticism,

Its influence on class segregation, the removal from resi-dential areas of ‘inharmonious’ land uses (including corner stores),and the standardization of designs and street layouts, was at leastas great.

ncreasingly, even modest dwellingscame with a standard array of services, in subdivisions that metstandards of minimum lot size, street width and layout, andperhaps the provision of open space for parks. Dwellings nowincluded more services while residential areas met higher stan-dards too

Large speculative builders also cateredto this working-class demand. In 1920s Detroit, for example, oneentrepreneur built hundreds of worker’s houses without furnacesand bathrooms in areas that at first lacked piped water and pavedroads

the shift to the ready made’, that is, the house ‘built for no clientat all’

‘corporate housing industry’

In reality, perhaps a third ofhousing units in that year were being speculatively built

Fordist regime of mass production

Fordistregime of accumulation,

standardpackage of services

are also among the fastest-growing populations in the nation.

Consistent with these findings is evidence that highereducation has a “darkening” effect on identification for recent Brazilian cohorts

As a testament to the variable nature of race-color categorization in the country, the optionsgiven to Brazilians can significantly affect how they self-identif

as a way to build national unity, advance colorblindness, and avert racial divisionsbetween whites and nonwhites

Losses in social status racially “darken,” whereas gainsin social status racially “whiten.”

select racial labels so as to maximize gain

A shift in racial identification, in contrast, may beattributed to the emergence of a racial group consciousness

racial fluidity is anartifact of measurement error or methodological design.

These robust findings demonstrate that racial membership is remarkably un-wavering for non-Hispanic whites, blacks, and Asians in the United States

in order to reduce the government’s obligation tonative peoples

as they intention-ally differentiated and distanced themselves from blacks,

ontextual nature of race,

The public policy challenge in the United States should be tobreak down barriers that limit those who would benefit from homeownership fromaccessing it, while not pushing people to become homeowners for whom it doesn’tmake sense or providing subsidies where not appropriate.

illustrating the risks associated with homeownership whenmillions lost their homes to foreclosure. However

Suburban locations witha high minority share of residents may also have lower appreciation rates than loca-tions with a higher share of non-Hispanic white residents

impaired labor marketmobility,

They face high transaction costs associated with moving, buying and sellinghomes, and foreclosures.

purchasing a home is certainly not a guarantee of higher returns than renting

from the sale of their home undermost circumstances

40 percent of homeowners do not itemize deductions on their tax form

The analysis starts with the value of the use of the home as measured by the rent ahomeowner would pay to live in a comparable property.

rom 2005 to 2015,the number of borrowers with student loan debt increased from 24.0 million to43.3 million and the student loan debt balances grew from $378 billion to $1.19 tril-lion, according to the Federal Reserve Bank of New York’s Consumer Credit panel.

the share ofhousehold heads with a high school or less education fell

The younger the age group,the sharper the decline in homeownership by 2015.

For example, the share of households in whichthe head was 44 or younger fell from 49.2 percent in 1985 to 35.7 percent in 2015;conversely, the share of households in which the head was 65 or over rose from 21.5percent in 1985 to 23.9 percent by 2015

Interestingly, anecdotes suggest that manyGerman households rent their primary residence, but purchase a nearby home torent for income (

Advanced democracies expend incredible resources in the administration ofelections in the hope that election results and public policies will closelyreflect the preferences of the citizenry.

In just a three-year span, the majority party made a clear turn towardprogressive domestic policies, and the introduction of more working-classvoters into the electorate and increased presence of the Labor Party mayhave provided impetus for such a change.

‘‘It has to be recognized that even under the conditions existing inAustralia, the wages of our workers are not sufficient to enable them tosafeguard against these evils [sickness, unemployment, and old-age]’

‘‘First and foremost, we are against class legislation and class govern-ment’’

However, average turnoutwith compulsory voting would have been 91 percent, and Labor would havereceived 53 percent of the votes.

Turnout and labor vote share across

For this reason, any lessons drawn from Australia may be applicable to otherdemocratic nations today.

Also, property values are highly correlatedwith turnout for both owners and occupiers.

Put another way, property-owners com-prised 84 percent of the electorate even though they only comprised 59percent of the eligible voters.

inequality

both sides felt that compulsoryvoting would make them better off.

by Digby Denhamimplemented the policy on the belief that the opposing Labor Party wasbetter at ‘‘getting out the vote’’

7–10 percentage point increase in the vote shares andseat shares of the Labor Party.

higher turnout may benefit left-wingparties significantly

turnout inequalityin Australia before compulsory voting. Overwhelmingly, wealthy citi-zens voted more than their working-class counterparts.

religion

powerfully primed racial considerations in candidate evaluations and policyopinions.

but quite unimportant for the more contemporary issue of affirmative action,where, it would seem, both opponents and supporters can enlist equality asjustification for their views.

round of redistricting contributed significantlyto the Republican congressional successes in the 1992 and 1994

diminishesthe electoral security of white Democrats

Blacks’ history of slavery and discrimination has encouraged them toevaluate policies based on their perceived impact on the racial group rather thanthe individual.

more by their in-group bias rather thanout-group animus

maintain white racial group privilege

hey find that the impact of this group-specific form of individualism on policy opinions is mediated almost entirely bymeasures of symbolic racism

blend of traditional American moral values and anti-black affect

groupinterest—both material and ideological—is at the core of the racial divide

class, social identity, political principles,

Finally, large differences emerge on valuessuch as egalitarianism, the optimal size of government, and the general fairness ofthe American political system

Racial attitudes may still play a significantrole in the regional partisan alignments that coalesced after the Civil Rights era.

racial attitudes per sebecause they focus on policy attitudes that might contain a blend of racial and non-racial sentiments

Nixon “southern strategy”accelerated the realignment of southern whites into the Republican camp

Since then, Democratic support in the South has droppedquite sharply (Petrocik 1987, Black & Black 1992, Frymer 1999). It is also ap-parent that the main shift has been among white southerners

Democratic partisan identification among blacks doubledbetween 1960 and 1968

However, racial attitudes among whites do influence support for blackcandidates

determineelectoral success

mass public policy preferences.

fall to scholars of race and politics to provide theevidence that will test the previous generation’s optimism

How much does race matter in American politics?

So, once again, Republican gains are concentrated among racially conservative Latinos.

it became more polarized in terms of racial attitudes.

Trump gained votes among Latinos with conservative views of racial issues – in particular, immigration and criminal justice policy.

The graph below shows that Trump gained votes in 2020 among Black, Latino, and Asian voters who strongly disagree or disagreed that white people had an advantage or neither agreed nor disagreed:

it can arise because of insecurity about one’s status as a member of the broader American community.

although Black Americans express different views of racial inequality than do white Americans

Nor do they necessarily share a common identity or sense of solidarity with each other.

larger shifts heading into 2024.

the association’s espousal of white supremacy had real implications for the practices of residential apartheid it would actively support.

“the pioneer of today and of tomorrow standing on the doorstep of his own home who is going to safeguard and advance this Democracy of ours.”

Those most likely to own in this period were those who built their own homes, which allowed them to avoid a mortgage entirely; older Americans who could leverage a lifetime of savings for this purchase; or the wealthy who could afford to purchase outright.

including stocks, bonds, and commodity futures

to own one’s home was no longer to own the means of production

no longer provided families with the ability to generate income enough to sustain the household’s independence.

Anglo-Saxon’s innate capacity for all property

code of ethics prohibiting realtors from selling homes to blacks in white neighborhoods

“the universal and natural interests of ‘the middle class.’”

more comprehensive commitment to public housing

shape housing policy following the mass foreclosures exacerbating the Great Depression and through the New Deal

The longing he finds enshrined in the aesthetic record allows Hoover to intimate that homeownership is most desired by — and perhaps desirable for — select Americans in possession of the right pedigree.

“racial longing”

social upheaval on the home front.

never sing songs about a pile of rent receipts,”

en these habitualnonvoters tend to be concentrated in poor and other-wise disadvantaged groups. M

pproximating universalparticipation in other forms of activism or participationwould require much more radical reforms of political cul-ture and institutions.

,

vote

t also that citizens actually takeadvantage of that opportunity (s

ensure consistentand equally effective access to other modes of partici-patio

about whether higher voter turnout is actually avaluable goal, and whether compulsion is an appropriateway of achiev

bound up with a radical rejection of things as they are.

contrivance

This concentration of disadvantages results in schools that are overwhelmed by students’ social and economic challenges.

they also will exclude deserving middle-class Black students

aders have ab

the morepatriotic option by a 19-point margin amongworking-class voters?

Are they really attracted tonondemocratic forms of government

attractiveness

n values, uphold the ideal ofmerit, and dismantle the w

Because community service programs inelementary and secondary schools andnational service programs after high schoolcan instill in young people a sense ofpurpose and patriotism, and

t America,its culture, and its literature

nd more time teachingwhat it is like to live in nondemocraticcountries, where there is no right to freespeech or to criticize the gove

Ina nation whose federal government spends1,000 times more money on STEM educationthan on civics, it’s important to placegreater emphasis on sustaining Americandemocracy.

at precisely are the best ideasand aspirational values that bind togetherwhat author Heather McGee calls a nation of“ancestral strangers”

Thousands of nasty political posts on social media landed Pulte a powerful post in the Trump administration

he is a shameless lackey and willing hitman for Trump’s vendettas.

Instead, we should be asking ourselveswhy 44% of Medicaid recipients work full-timewithout having access to affordable privatehealth insurance

This typeof work does not always have consistenthours but is based on demand each week, soit needs to be reviewed over longer periodsof time. If they are forced to recertify more

meetingcommunity engagement hours prior toreceiving benefits. This new requirementwould require Medicaid recipients to provethey have worked or volunteered for atleast 80 hours each month.

As a result, taxpayers will be forced to cover moreuncompensated care.

Uninsured patientsaccount for approximately $22.5 billion of theuncompensated care

all so therich can enjoy a tax cut.

$13,432 the U.S. spends.

If thesefacilities close, many Americans, particularly inrural parts of the country that voted heavily forPresident Trump, will be harmed

Weknow from experience that most will choose theemergency room if they have no insurance.

In addition, 52% of Americans saidthey believed the CDC would function worse overthe next four years.

Tylenol

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DEFUNDINGHEALTH RESEARCH

more competition, more diversity of school models and more accountability for performance in the nation’s education system.

through the spread of charter schools.

Yet only one state, Louisiana, denies schools voucher money if their students perform poorly on state standardized tests. In West Virginia, voucher students who fail state tests lose their eligibility for the program.

This is just common sense: Expensive private schools are often excellent, but cheap private schools are often worse than neighboring public schools

public funding per child is now roughly equal in poor and affluent district

The same fate likely awaits any presidential candidate who deviates from their line.

This has seriously compromised the Democratic Party’s ability to formulate creative and practical solutions to real-world problems, not all of which can be solved by attacking corporate power

purports

break open neighborhood cartels that prevent new entrants into the housing market

a style of politics that has flowed into the party along with the neo-Brandeisians

as most housing analysts believe.

prevent any large entity from renting out large numbers of single-family homes. The amendment undercut the bill’s intent to make housing more affordable—making it illegal for a company to build homes and rent them out would restrict the supply and drive up the cost for renters.

regulatory threats to compel firms to support his political agenda

Wall Street Dems”

Neo-Brandeisian idea

They see in Trump’s populist gestures confirmation of the appeal of their own ideas and potential for cooperation.

could be defused by turning the issue back to billionaires.

there’s a reason that Frederick Douglass and [W. E. B.] Du Bois were so concerned about monopoly power.

belief system is more like a religion

but this, too, failed to explain what Biden’s populism had actually achieved.

succeeded

and lauds small businesses and farms that are less able to generate economies of scale than giant corporations are, and therefore have to charge more for their products.

indelibly

but the fact that many of its products harm its consumers and society as a whole

not as law enforcement but as a broad policy tool for fixing a lot of problems—economic, political, and social.

‘This cement merger threatens democracy’?

executive action.

The neo-Brandeisian thinkers Warren recruited into the administration represented the movement’s brightest minds and most energetic administrators.

shill

A profound crisis must have profound causes, and Lynn was offering a totalistic account of social decay.

We can vertically integrate and do the writing ourselves.”

short-term price effects.

discrimination and barriers to new entry,

It’s so much easier to teach public policy to people who already know how to write than teach writing to public policy experts,

I helped edit, and review some of the articles and books I have shaped.”

price controls

oligarchy

Bill Clinton

antitrust policy.

“We may have democracy, or we may have great wealth concentrated in the hands of a few, but we can’t have both,

overcharging consumers, undercutting their competition, and preventing innovation.

as a corrupt enemy who must be expunged.

many party leaders have adopted his sweeping theory of everything.

those who are paid to do so

paradoxically—contributes to an individ-ual’s sense of place-based resentment.

jealousy

Similarly, future work shouldexamine the extent to which urbanites harbor resentmenttoward suburbs and the political ramifications of thosefeelings

such as intra-state urban-rural divides

resentment might not have held its predictivepower, as modeled in this paper.

over urbanAmerica’s disparate political influence and anti-ruralstereotypes (e.g., “those backward hicks”) have longbeen pervasive in America and many other Western so-cieties