monopolies focus benefits towards governing coalition elites andcore coalition members, away from the broader community.

core supporters to turn out.

Nonetheless, the relative distinc-tion between monopolized and nonmonopolized cities remains a centraltheoretical contribution of this work.

consequencesdidmonopolyhaveforthepeoplelivinginthesecities?

hallengingthoseinpowerdifficultifnotimpossible

MexicanAmerican,lackedpavedroads,streetlights,sewerage systems, andrepresentationonthe"citycouncil. SanJose’sLatinosenduredpolicebrutalityanddiscrimina.torytreatmentinthejusticesystem,theschool system,andincityhirin

were arrested and incarcer-ated at disproportionate rates, discriminated against in city hiring, andprovided with lower quality city services.

he was prepared to defend his cityat any cost from the success of such revolutionary elements.

Daley

organization

electedpositionsintoappointedos w

y abolishing districts and choos-ing at-large elections, reform charters ensured that minority preferences,even those of substantial size, remained unrepresented in the city legis-lature

Daley’s machine relied on creative district linedrawing to ensure that neighborhoods with black and Latino majoritieswere dominated by white, machine-loyal representatives

andactivelydiscouragedothers,biasingoutcomesinfavorofreformcandidates.

Elections were held when agricul-tural workers were not living in the city

Chinese work-ers in particular were targeted for restriction from social and politicallife at the state level.

Los AngelesTimes

In Austin only 37 percent of adults over the age of twenty ue had theright to vote in 1933 because of suffrage restrictions ae the Polltax and literacy test

By constructing theirideal electorate through fraud and intimidation, machines biased thesystem in favor of their incumbent organizations.

Duringyearswhenmachinecontrolwas strongest, fraud wasmuchlesscommon.

and/orlacktheinstitutionalpowertochangetherulestofavortheircandidates

excessive corruption served to undermine a machine’s pow-er if it became too offensive to voters or attracted the attention of higherlevels of government.

knewthattheyneededthemachineon theirsidetopassinspec-tions,secureutilityextensions,ignoreclosing laws,sellliquorduringtheprohibition,runlotteries,

m‘tionoftheDemocre™”>achinefaction izationwouldtranslatetoalognto voters th any other orga ;ab electing an) _ As a result election outcomes be.of benefits including patronage jobs

oercive patronage serves as a barrierto entry for challengers and a barrier to exit for voters.

incumbent can use public money to back his promise.’

benefits are awarded to a particular segment

thereby using government fesourc-es to engender loyalty to the incumbent regime and pay political workers

hischangedafterreformleaderspurchasedthepaperin1924.

thereisnolegitimatebasisfordisagreement”

promised to use public funds to help thecities grow, and growth translated into a larger market for news con-sumption.

control over the local media.

The lack of party cues to assist voters in the fo,mation of preferences resulted in systems biased in favor of candidatewith independent wealth or fame and incumbents

Nonpartisan elections also allowed reformers to build alliances actoparty lines more easily.

In converting electionsto nonpartisan contests, reformers sought to minimize divisions in theelectorate and among elites.

For some machines at least, this strategy of bias was not neces-sary to dominate elections.

bribing editors or reporters, contributing heavily in advertising funds, orby offering publishers or editors public jobs

city agencies to destroy evidence, provide extended leaves to potentialwitnesses, and otherwise prevent people from cooperating with prosecu-tors

somecoalitionsachievedcontrolprimarilythroughtheuseofgovernmentresourcesforpoliticalend

They fall alonga spectrum.

but also to advantage those who have already won.

Put simply, the decentralized neighbor-hood control of district elections may trade spatially concen-trated inequalities (new housing units) for a spatially diffuseburden (citywide housing costs)

First, we find that district elections constrain the ability ofcities to permit new housing.

substantiverepresentation for racial minorities

We find that moving to district elections signifi-cantly decreases the disparity in permitting between whiteand minority neighborhoods.

Figure 2

As before, we remove the middle tercile of data

The positive in-teraction term in both models suggests that the effect of districtelections is smaller and less predictable in cities with larger andless overrepresented majority populations.

suggesting that citieswith lower levels of segregation may experience less dramaticchange from district elections.

new equilibrium that was below their pretreat-ment levels and below their causal counterfactual.

selection into districtelections on the basis of past permitting behavior and pre-emptive changes to housing outcomes in anticipation of elec-toral reform.

we interact the treatment in-dicator with an indicator for being in the top or bottom tercileon segregation

districtit

ri 1 ht 1 zi t

housing units permitted.

that would ultimately switch to districts, that havemore than 50,000 residents, and where there is at least oneunderrepresented minority that comprises more than 20% ofthe population

there was a great deal of random chance in thetiming of treatment

Race will become less predictive of a neighbor-hood’s housing burden under district elections com-pared to at-large, all else equal.

District elections will decrease the permitting ofmultifamily housing in cities where the council ma-jority is significantly overrepresentative of that racialgroup’s population share

District elections will decrease the permitting ofmultifamily housing in cities with low majoritypopulations.

Next, existing research has found the effect of districtelections on descriptive representation to be greatest in citieswith large shares of minority residents, where majority-minoritydistricts can be more easily drawn

District elections will decrease the permitting ofmultifamily housing in residentially segregated cities.

First, district elections are more likely to improve descrip-tive representation when minorities are segregated enough toform majority-minority districts

District elections will primarily decrease thepermitting of multifamily rather than single-familyhousing.

Counterintuitively, renters may op-pose new market-rate housing not only because it harms theirquality of life but also because they believe it will attract demandto their neighborhoods, causing rents in their neighborhoods toincrease

As a result, the six-unitproject is largely insulated from political pressure that couldeither downsize or even block the proposal.

finds that a nationwide sample of cities that switchedto district elections between 1980 and 2018 experienced adecline in housing units permitted annually

they are incentivized toshift LULUs out of their districts

, generally meaningwealthier, more highly educated white voters

but pricesout those seeking to move to cities with high upward incomemobility, exacerbating long-run income inequality

unwanted housing is morelikely to be concentrated in minority neighborhoods, all elseequal

endsthe disproportionate channeling of new housing into mi-nority neighborhoods, causing cities to more equally dis-tribute new housing between their majority and minorityconstituencies.

decreases the permitting of multifamily housing

Or, they may be assignedto smaller, single-member districts, with each citizen voting foronly one candidate (district elections).

Because LULUs are perceived to threatenthe property values, safety, or general quality of life of nearbyresidents, they historically have been channeled into the po-litically weakest areas

Central to the70democratic experience is contact with difference—other races, other nationalities, other economic classes,other language groups. And, too often, the end of urbanism has undermined that experience by promotingsocial homogeneity within municipalities, leading to the evolution of regional hierarchies in which“purified communities”

It is kept primarily by an intricate, almostunconscious, network of voluntary controls and standards among the people themselves, and enforcedby the people themselves.

to be an active agent in society, and to do sowithin the relatively public setting of city life.

it seemed quite sensible to put as many fetters as possibleon the rascals in fedora hats—whomever they might be at a given moment.

Even when stategovernment permits a city to impose a particular tax on its residents or property owners, the extent of anyexaction must be carefully limited—lest those most able to pay depart, leaving behind only those least ableto do so. Or consider school integration. If a central city rigorously integrates its schools, and white

Like any other corporation, cities can lobby in statecapitols for more favorable treatment, but they have no power of their own to set these basic policies, evenas they apply within municipal limits

but by the will of the legislature asset forth in some statute. The city is not merely the creature of the legislative will, it may be and often isthe helpless victim of legislative caprice.

A city is the only collective body in America that cannot do something simply because itdecides to do it. Instead, under American law, cities have power only if state governments authorize themto act.

It will allow entrepreneurs to develop firms in endlessvariety and to quickly respond to emerging consumer needs. It will protect residents and visitors alikeagainst crime, disease, and risk of fire. Almost as important, it will protect city people against thedebilitating of crime, epidemic, and fire. It will generate and maintain an appropriate housing stock,fearand infrastructure to support it. It will provide for the education and civilizing of children, and it willprovide relevant indoctrination for newcomers. It will find ways to protect the weak and helpless, althoughit may very well resist making this service to humanity the special and unique role of one municipality inan entire region.

may providelimited illumination of the second question (about governance of what matters most to a city and itspeople).

but they would make those moves at a disadvantage

But Ford and hisproduction engineers determined more about New Haven and hundreds of other cities than did anyoneliving in those places at the time

the suburban idea wasembedded in the American scene

Freedom seemed for many to lie in escape to open space beyond city limits.

its rotten tenements, its failed sanitation, itsvulnerability to epidemic, its corrupt building inspectors, its clattering factories, its sulphurous chimneys,its manure-strewn avenues, the rudeness of its poor, and the avarice of kleptocratic party bosses.

Economic citizenship, expressed as the ownership and active management of enterprise,generally coincided with political citizenship, expressed as local residence and electoralparticipation

This was driven less by taste than by economic and technological forces thatcompelled those engaged in either industrial work and management, or in the operation of otherenterprises, to live fairly close to the job

social cohesion, a localized network of relationships,and an important stream of income to proprietors.

retailspace supported by employee wages

Within a few years, the balance would shift perceptibly toward a44dispersion of residential population, work activities, and commerce—and toward what I will call the end ofurbanism

Their yearly numbers averaged more than 500,000 for the five decades, rising to nearly a35million (994,000) each year from 1904 through 191

The inevitable consequence of this was that industry was concentrated in compact anddensely populated industrial towns, or directly along the waterfront in sea ports.

Railway transportoverthrew, for the first time in history, the natural barriers which had hitherto prevented too great aconcentration of industry in any urban center. The great cities of the world up to that date indeed had beenstill built up primarily for political, military, or religious importance rather than their commercial orindustrial functions; from 1830 onwards the latter were to predominate.

rushed outward-bound manufactured goods to continental markets.

mmigration allowing accelerated growth in thesupply of urban labor; and a delayed and uneven spreading out and implementation ofdistance-compressing technologies such as alternating current (AC) electricity

nationalmarkets accessible from centralcity manufacturing plants

an agricultural revolution allowing the nation to supportmore and larger urban centers

absence of fast, flexible transportation capable of linking peripheral locations to thecentral city

creative

but instead by the rapid accumulation of small changes.

In seeking ever fresh forms of production, ever larger markets, ever higher returns oninvestment, capitalism routinely destroys older ways of doing business, older technologies, olderplants—and in so doing profoundly transforms the communities that have formed around them

Capitalism drives growth by remorselessly refusing to preserve the past

capitalism creates new wealth and new demands for itsconsumption scarcely imaginable at the outset.

These buildings, along with the wavy asphalt parking lot on Crown Street,are material artifacts from the end of urbanism

Even as the Depression set in, the city churned out enough demand that a smart kid could find his way intothe money stream on a weekend’s notice

Scarcely discernable in these few artifacts is a city in its era of urbanism

his store’s decrepitude

He needs to be good, because New EnglandTypewriter & Stationery is under water.

Third, dam removalsare more likely when states are in better fiscal health, willing to innovate inrelated policy areas, and pressured by pro-change advocates

Status quo interests

While this diffusion has been particularly noticeable insome regions, several outlier states have also pursued significant river res-toration.

caused substantial environmental damage

33 states had established riverprotection programs

Secretary of the Interior Babbittnoted that the Quaker Neck removal would stimulate creative thinking atdam sites across the country

Over 300 dams havebeen removed from United States' rivers

in orderto restore migratory fish routes on the Neuse River.

Historically, the U.S. government hasdeferred to the states in matters of water allocation, use, and managemen

clean up American waterways and setaside portions of rivers as wild and scenic

with water interests and members of Congress eagerto bring home capital water projects, like dams

institutional variables may play a greater role for less controversial policies

I hypothesize that the more entrenchedthe status quo becomes, the less likely that policy reversal will occur.

States are more likely to adopt policy innovations for which their citizensexpress a demand.

Accordingly, Ihypothesize that state fiscal stress will deter policy reversals.

will be less consequential in predicting policy reversal

ationalized, making learning from neighbors nomore common than learning from states elsewhere in the country

Such reversals can be so dramatic that theyproduce patterns of political behavior different from those surrounding themore typical adoption of new policy

Did this deregulation generate politics that were different from thatwhich led to regulation in the first place

Second, the rate of adoption is more gradual for policy reversals thanfor new policies or less extensive modifications to existing ones.

using and controlling rivers by building dams to a focus onrestoring rivers' natural conditions by removing or breaching dams

Diffusion of reversals involves more states outsideof active regions than is seen typically with policy adoption, and reversal diffusionoccurs more gradually than adoption diffusion with many policy innovations

conversely, that the acquisition of the otherdepartment’s lands would add to the institutional stature of his ownadministration.

permanent national property.

Emotion was evident on both sides, of course, but the Interior De-partment produced nothing like The Western Range to support Ickes’sdetermined belief that the forests should be transferred to a new Con-servation Department, which he would lead.

contentions that therange was a critical part of the entire agricultural program, for both theWest and the nation, and that good government required that thoselands be placed with the USDA

the creation of the grazing district or the is-suance of a permit pursuant to the provisions of this act shall not createany right, title, interest, or estate in or to the lands.

Technically speaking, the permit gave a rancher merely a licenseto use the range, meaning that the rancher’s use of the range was a priv-ilege conferred by the government for a finite period.

Clearly, denying a permit toa rancher would “impair the value of the grazing unit,” and it wouldtherefore be very difficult for the government to do so.

These range rights are as much a part of the land as thegravel in the soil.

who simply ranged their animals on the public do-main without having a base property from which to operate.

He therefore believed that ranchers’ assured access to rangewould secure and increase the land values in the rural West

regulatory authority resided.

that the governing bodies involved in ad-ministering the Taylor lands overlapped considerably with the alreadyorganized stockmen’s association

he simply wanted to map out the proposed grazing districts as quicklyas possible

ack of formality involvedin this process was quite remarkable.

produce a new political structure in theWest.

Those lands that could not beplaced in a district would be taken care of some other way— either soldoutright, exchanged with other lands, or leased to individual ranchers,and at least some of the heated politics would focus on what Carpenterand others called the “shot-gun” lands

in setting up an administration that would reduce the un-certainty of their land tenure and bring back the productivity of therange.

careful planning, thinking, and readjustment

federal administrative authority

This reluctance was the stance that he would take before western live-stock producers, emerging from a genuine belief in “self-governance”and in the ability of ranchers to adjudicate their own local ranges.

Finally, Ickes’s grand language about national duty had roots, ofcourse, in early twentieth-century conservation.

right

Nation

by which I mean that he sawthat conserving these lands reflected the moral strengths of the nationand the sovereignty of the federal government

The struggles over ForestService grazing fees thus bore legislative fruit for western ranchers, whohad consistently argued that access to public grazing lands formed an in-tegral part of the valuation of their property. The Taylor Grazing Act es-sentially solidified that connection in policy

under existing law validly affecting the public lands

to perform such workas may be necessary amply to protect and rehabilitate

I am not appearing here in behalf of big cattlemen, big sheep men, or anything of the kind. I am trying to protect thelocal man who pays taxes

when federal land managers spoke innational terms about the need for unified administrative authority overthe public lands

[a]tremendous deterioration of the land has resulted, due to the overuse wehave been making of it

captured

would build on these histories of property,restructure them, and give them new meaning

was that the land endedup in federal administration

Many Americans value open space and public lands precisely because they areamong the reasons their families settled where they have and why they stay there

whereasother environmental ballot measures that fared less well, such as legalizing betting on horseracing or creating public commissions, did not impose direct costs on citizens.

This point is consistent with the argument scholars made recently regarding civilrights policy wherein they show that content of the specific policy in question is morecrucial to understanding elite behavior than broad characterizations and blanket assertion

They are also more likely to pass if they involve bonds ratherthan taxes. They are less likely to pass if they are initiatives rather than referendums andif they occur in states with high percentages of public lands.

public lands

passed

74

rash and reckless spoliation

Colorado Springs concludedthat local parks raised property values for nearby residents over $500 million and generatedtax revenues over $2.5 million per year

Public lands bring substantialeconomic benefits to local communities.

Cultural and aesthetic values that citizens assign to public lands are deeply engrained inthe American society.

citizens in conservativeRocky Mountain states supporting permanent protection for wilderness, parks, and openspaces

protection of natural places draws much higher levels of support from across theideological spectrum than just about any other environmental issue

hunters, conservationists, and outdoor recreation enthusiaststo form coalitions to stop, or at least delay, the proposals

anathema

lumpstogether everything from nuclear power to the endangered species.

e find exceptional support for open spaceballot measures in simple comparisons and in fuller models of ballot measure passage

Arguing that “anyinvestment made in terminal elevators . . . would be a waste of the people’s money as well as a humiliatingdisappointment to the people of the state,” the committee came out “strongly against the expenditure by thestate of any money for the erection of new terminal elevators.”

Townley grew up on a farm.

he wasn’t like the city socialists. He saw more from thefarmer’s standpoint.

All this threatened agrarians’ already tenuousmiddle-class status

Economic divisions within the ruralmiddle class—between townspeople and farmers—emerged

A handful of village elitesand itinerant wage laborers represented the apex and the nadir of economic and social possibilities.

If you want Congress to protect farm owners, it may be wiseto elect more farm owners. And if you want Congress to stop pro-tecting farmers, it may be wise to stop electing them.

but the relationships areconsiderably noisier.

an increase in a district’s poverty rate is associated with adecrease in the likelihood that a legislator will support agriculture

Note, however, that the fact that thecoefficient on PAC contributions does not change much with theinclusion of other variables suggest that lobbying has an effect allof its own, i.e., that very little of what it captures is captured by law-maker preferences for agriculture or by electoral incentives

on agricultural policy.

awmakers who received more money from farmgroups were more likely to support agriculture in each of the rollcall votes

both parties when we examined whichmembers were designated Friends of the Farm Bureau, our mostcomprehensive measure of support for agriculture.

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