- Aug 2024
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www.iranchamber.com www.iranchamber.com
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Abu Bakr defeated the Byzantine army at Damascus in 635 and then began his conquest of Iran. In 637 the Arab forces occupied the Sassanid capital of Ctesiphon (which they renamed Madain), and in 641-42 they defeated the Sassanid army at Nahavand. After that, Iran lay open to the invaders. The Islamic conquest was aided by the material and social bankruptcy of the Sassanids; the native populations had little to lose by cooperating with the conquering power. Moreover, the Muslims offered relative religious tolerance and fair treatment to populations that accepted Islamic rule without resistance. It was not until around 650, however, that resistance in Iran was quelled. Conversion to Islam, which offered certain advantages, was fairly rapid among the urban population but slower among the peasantry and the dihqans [farmers]. The majority of Iranians did not become Muslim until the ninth century. Although the conquerors, especially the Umayyads (the Muslim rulers who succeeded Mohammad from 661-750), tended to stress the primacy of Arabs among Muslims, the Iranians were gradually integrated into the new community. The Muslim conquerors adopted the Sassanid coinage system and many Sassanid administrative practices, including the office of vizier, or minister, and the divan, a bureau or register for controlling state revenue and expenditure that became a characteristic of administration throughout Muslim lands. Later caliphs adopted Iranian court ceremonial practices and the trappings of Sassanid monarchy. Men of Iranian origin served as administrators after the conquest, and Iranians contributed significantly to all branches of Islamic learning, including philology, literature, history, geography, jurisprudence, philosophy, medicine, and the sciences. The Arabs were in control, however. The new state religion, Islam, imposed its own system of beliefs, laws, and social mores. In regions that submitted peacefully to Muslim rule, landowners kept their land. But crown land, land abandoned by fleeing owners, and land taken by conquest passed into the hands of the new state. This included the rich lands of the Sawad, a rich, alluvial plain in central and southern Iraq. Arabic became the official language of the court in 696, although Persian continued to be widely used as the spoken language. The shuubiyya literary controversy of the ninth through the eleventh centuries, in which Arabs and Iranians each lauded their own and denigrated the other's cultural traits, suggests the survival of a certain sense of distinct Iranian identity. In the ninth century, the emergence of more purely Iranian ruling dynasties witnessed the revival of the Persian language, enriched by Arabic loanwords and using the Arabic script, and of Persian literature. Another legacy of the Arab conquest was Shia Islam, which, although it has come to be identified closely with Iran, was not initially an Iranian religious movement. It originated with the Arab Muslims. In the great schism of Islam, one group among the community of believers maintained that leadership of the community following the death of prophet Mohammad rightfully belonged to Mohammad's son-in-law, Ali, and to his descendants. This group came to be known as the Shiat Ali, the partisans of Ali, or the Shias. Another group, supporters of Muawiya (a rival contender for the caliphate following the murder of Uthman), challenged Ali's election to the caliphate in 656. After Ali was assassinated while praying in a mosque at Kufa in 661, Muawiya was declared caliph by the majority of the Islamic community. He became the first caliph of the Umayyad dynasty, which had its capital at Damascus. Ali's youngest son, Hossain, refused to pay the homage commanded by Muawiya's son and successor Yazid I and fled to Mecca, where he was asked to lead the Shias--mostly those living in present-day Iraq--in a revolt. At Karbala, in Iraq, Hossain's band of 200 men and women followers, unwilling to surrender, were finally cut down by about 4,000 Umayyad troops. The Umayyad leader received Hossain's head, and Hossain's death in 680 on the tenth of Moharram continues to be observed as a day of mourning for all Shias.
I believe this passage as a whole discusses the political and cultural transitions that occurred in Iran following the Arab conquest, highlighting the influence of Islamic rule on the region. However, within this historical context, the role of women and the broader implications of gender dynamics are largely absent. This absence itself speaks volumes about the gender politics of the time, where historical narratives were primarily centered on male figures, both as heroes and rulers. The roles of women during the Arab conquest and subsequent rule, while not explicitly mentioned, can be inferred as secondary to the male-dominated political and military spheres. The HERO construct in this context is undeniably male, with figures like Abu Bakr, Ali, and Toghril Beg depicted as the key actors in the historical narrative. This reflects a patriarchal structure where leadership, heroism, and historical significance are exclusively associated with men, reinforcing gender definitions that align heroism with masculinity. Also, the passage’s focus on male figures as the primary agents of change underscores a cultural bias that equates heroism with male attributes such as military prowess, leadership, and political acumen. The exclusion of women from this narrative suggests a cultural definition of heroism that marginalizes female contributions and reaffirms traditional gender roles where men are the active participants in history, and women are relegated to passive roles (if mentioned at all). Within the broader historical context, comparisons can be drawn between the pre-Islamic and Islamic periods in Iran. In pre-Islamic Iran, under the Sassanid rule, women of the royal family, such as Buran, played significant roles in governance. In contrast, the Islamic conquest, as depicted in this passage, emphasizes the erasure of such female agency in favor of male-dominated leadership. This shift indicates a narrowing of the definition of heroism, increasingly centered on male figures and Islamic leaders. When compared to other historical or literary works such as the Shahnameh by Ferdowsi, where women like Rudaba and Gordafarid play crucial roles, this passage starkly contrasts in its exclusion of female figures. The Shahnameh, while still largely patriarchal, offers a more nuanced portrayal of gender roles, allowing women to exhibit qualities associated with heroism. This comparison highlights the variability in gender representation and the construction of the HERO across different cultural and historical narratives. Lastly, the language used in this passage is straightforward and historical, aiming to convey facts rather than explore gender dynamics. The choice of words and the focus on male figures reflect a patriarchal bias, where the language reinforces the association of heroism with masculinity. The lack of mention of women or gendered language suggests an underlying assumption that historical significance is inherently male, thus perpetuating a gendered narrative that excludes female perspectives. Undoubtedly, the passage reflects the patriarchal mindset of both the time it describes and possibly the time it was written or translated. The emphasis on male leaders and the exclusion of female figures indicate a deliberate or unconscious marginalization of women’s roles in history. As such, this marginalization could be a product of the cultural and political contexts in which the text was produced, where patriarchal values dictated the narratives that were preserved and transmitted. CC BY Aarushi Attray (contact)
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www.clearquran.com www.clearquran.com
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Some ladies in the city said, “The governor's wife is trying to seduce her servant. She is deeply in love with him. We see she has gone astray.” 31. And when she heard of their gossip, she invited them, and prepared for them a banquet, and she gave each one of them a knife. She said, “Come out before them.” And when they saw him, they marveled at him, and cut their hands. They said, “Good God, this is not a human, this must be a precious angel.” 32. She said, “Here he is, the one you blamed me for. I did try to seduce him, but he resisted. But if he does not do what I tell him to do, he will be imprisoned, and will be one of the despised.” 33. He said, “My Lord, prison is more desirable to me than what they call me to. Unless You turn their scheming away from me, I may yield to them, and become one of the ignorant.” 34. Thereupon his Lord answered him, and diverted their scheming away from him. He is the Hearer, the Knower. 35. Then it occurred to them, after they had seen the signs, to imprison him for a while. 36. Two youth entered the prison with him. One of them said, “I see myself pressing wine.” The other said, “I see myself carrying bread on my head, from which the birds are eating. Tell us their interpretation—we see that you are one of the righteous.” 37. He said, “No food is served to you, but I have informed you about it before you have received it. That is some of what my Lord has taught me. I have forsaken the tradition of people who do not believe in God; and regarding the Hereafter, they are deniers.” 38. “And I have followed the faith of my forefathers, Abraham, and Isaac, and Jacob. It is not for us to associate anything with God. This is by virtue of God’s grace upon us and upon the people, but most people do not give thanks. 39. “O My fellow inmates, are diverse lords better, or God, the One, the Supreme?” 40. “You do not worship, besides Him, except names you have named, you and your ancestors, for which God has sent down no authority. Judgment belongs to none but God. He has commanded that you worship none but Him. This is the right religion, but most people do not know. 41. “O my fellow inmates! One of you will serve his master wine; while the other will be crucified, and the birds will eat from his head. Thus the matter you are inquiring about is settled.” 42. And he said to the one he thought would be released, “Mention me to your master.” But Satan caused him to forget mentioning him to his master, so he remained in prison for several years. 43. The king said, “I see seven fat cows being eaten by seven lean ones, and seven green spikes, and others dried up. O elders, explain to me my vision, if you are able to interpret visions.” 44. They said, “Jumbles of dreams, and we know nothing of the interpretation of dreams.” 45. The one who was released said, having remembered after a time, “I will inform you of its interpretation, so send me out.” 46. “Joseph, O man of truth, inform us concerning seven fat cows being eaten by seven lean ones, and seven green spikes, and others dried up, so that I may return to the people, so that they may know.” 47. He said, “You will farm for seven consecutive years. But whatever you harvest, leave it in its spikes, except for the little that you eat.” 48. Then after that will come seven difficult ones, which will consume what you have stored for them, except for the little that you have preserved. 49. Then after that will come a year that brings relief to the people, and during which they will press. 50. The king said, “Bring him to me.” And when the envoy came to him, he said, “Go back to your master, and ask him about the intentions of the women who cut their hands; my Lord is well aware of their schemes.” 51. He said, “What was the matter with you, women, when you tried to seduce Joseph?” They said, “God forbid! We knew of no evil committed by him.” The governor’s wife then said, “Now the truth is out. It was I who tried to seduce him, and he is telling the truth.” 52. “This is that he may know that I did not betray him in secret, and that God does not guide the scheming of the betrayers.” 53. “Yet I do not claim to be innocent. The soul commands evil, except those on whom my Lord has mercy. Truly my Lord is Forgiving and Merciful.” 54. The king said, “Bring him to me, and I will reserve him for myself.” And when he spoke to him, he said, “This day you are with us established and secure.”
In this excerpt from the story of Joseph, gender roles are sharply delineated, revealing the power dynamics and societal expectations of men and women within the cultural context. Joseph (as the male protagonist) embodies the traits of the HERO as—virtue, piety, and steadfastness in the face of temptation. His resistance to the advances of the governor's wife is a key moment that defines his heroism. The narrative portrays Joseph's refusal as not just a personal victory but as a demonstration of his commitment to his moral principles, which are attributes traditionally associated with male heroes in many cultures (such as duty or ‘dharma’ in Hinduism). The governor's wife, whose actions are central to the plot, represents the dangers of unchecked female desire. Her attempt to seduce Joseph is depicted as a moral failing, and her eventual confession reinforces the narrative that women’s desires must be controlled. This portrayal aligns with patriarchal views where female sexuality is often portrayed as dangerous or destructive unless it is confined within socially acceptable boundaries. When comparing the different segments of the same text, particularly the lines where the governor’s wife attempts to seduce Joseph (31-33) and later when she confesses her wrongdoing (51-53), we see a shift in the narrative focus from her initial power and agency to a more repentant and submissive role. Initially, she wields considerable power, using her position to try and manipulate Joseph. However, her eventual confession and the exoneration of Joseph highlight the underlying patriarchal values, where the woman’s role is to recognize her transgression and submit to the moral authority of the male hero. This shift reflects the gender dynamics at play—while the woman exercises agency, it is ultimately curtailed by the moral and social expectations of her gender. Joseph’s steadfastness, in contrast, remains unchallenged, further cementing his role as the HERO, whose righteousness is never in doubt. Comparing this story with other narratives of male chastity and female temptation, such as the story of Hippolytus and Phaedra, reveals a similar pattern in the portrayal of gender roles. In both stories, the male figure’s heroism is defined by his resistance to female desire. However, the outcomes for the male characters differ—Hippolytus meets a tragic end despite his virtue, while Joseph is ultimately rewarded with power and security. This difference highlights the cultural variations in the construction of the HERO: in the Greek context, the hero’s virtues do not necessarily shield him from a tragic fate, whereas in the Biblical and Quranic context, the hero’s righteousness leads to his eventual elevation. In terms of gender definitions, both stories depict female desire as a source of chaos and disorder. In both narratives, the women’s roles are largely defined by their relationships to the male protagonists, reinforcing a patriarchal worldview where female agency is limited and often portrayed as dangerous when it transgresses societal norms. From a linguistic perspective, the language used to describe the governor's wife—her scheming, her eventual confession, and her acknowledgment of guilt—emphasizes her role as a transgressor who must be brought back in line with societal expectations. The repeated references to “scheming” and “betrayal” in the context of the women involved in the story further highlight the narrative’s focus on controlling and condemning female agency that steps outside prescribed bounds. I believe the high points of this version lie in its clear moral message and the elevation of Joseph as a paragon of virtue. However, this comes at the cost of a more nuanced portrayal of the female characters, who are largely depicted in a negative light. The story’s manipulation of gender roles to reinforce the HERO’s virtue reflects the broader cultural and political context in which it was written—one where patriarchal values dominated. However, the translation and interpretation of this text over time may have further reinforced these patriarchal elements, as translators and scholars may have emphasized certain aspects of the story to align with their own cultural and moral frameworks. This is evident in the way the text frames the governor's wife’s confession, where her recognition of Joseph’s innocence and her own guilt is portrayed as a necessary and redemptive act, reinforcing the idea that true virtue lies in submission to male authority. CC BY Aarushi Attray (contact)
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classical-inquiries.chs.harvard.edu classical-inquiries.chs.harvard.edu
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§3. When Phaedra sees Hippolytus for the very first time in the narrative of Pausanias 2.32.3, as I noted in the posting for 2018.06.21, she is already falling in love with the youthful hero. In that posting, I was worrying about the translation ‘fall in love’ for erân/erâsthai in the “present” or imperfective aspect of the relevant verb used by Pausanias—and for erasthênai in its aorist aspect, as he uses it elsewhere. In the present posting, 2018.08.03, I still worry about that translation—and I continue to prefer the wording ‘conceive an erotic passion’ as a more accurate way to capture the moment—but now I worry more about the actual moment of erotic passion in Pausanias 2.32.3. As we will see, that moment is really a recurrence of moments. The storytelling of Pausanias points to an untold number of moments for experiencing the erotic passion—as expressed by the “present” or imperfective aspect of the verb, erân, and by the imperfect tense of the verb apo-blepein ‘gaze away, look off into the distance’. Further, there is a divine force that presides over all these moments, embodied in the sacralized role of Aphrodite as the kataskopiā, ‘the one who is looking down from on high’. §4. Here is the relevant passage in Pausanias, where our traveler speaks of the enclosure containing the space that is sacred to both Hippolytus and Phaedra as cult heroes: {2.32.3} In the other part of the enclosure [peribolos] is a racecourse [stadion] named after Hippolytus, and looming over it is a shrine [nāos] of Aphrodite [invoked by way of the epithet] kataskopiā [‘looking down from the heights’]. Here is the reason [for the epithet]: it was at this very spot, whenever Hippolytus was exercising-naked [gumnazesthai], that she, Phaedra, feeling-an-erotic-passion-for [erân] him, used-to-gaze-away [imperfect of apo-blepein] at him from above. A myrtle bush [mursinē] still grows here, and its leaves—as I wrote at an earlier point [= 1.22.2]—have holes pricked into them. Whenever Phaedra was-feeling-there-was-no-way-out [aporeîn] and could find no relief for her erotic-passion [erōs], she would take it out on the leaves of this myrtle bush, wantonly injuring them. {2.32.4} There is also a tomb [taphos] of Phaedra, not far from the tomb [mnēma] of Hippolytus, and it [= the mnēma] is heaped-up-as-a-tumulus [kekhōstai] near the myrtle bush [mursinē]. The statue [agalma] of Asklepios was made by Timotheus, but the people of Troizen say that it is not Asklepios, but a likeness [eikōn] of Hippolytus. Also, when I saw the House [oikiā] of Hippolytus, I knew that it was his abode. In front of it is situated what they call the Fountain [krēnē] of Hēraklēs, since Hēraklēs, as the people of Troizen say, discovered the water. §5. Before further comment on Pausanias 2.32.3, I note a detail in my translation of 2.32.4. I take it that Pausanias here is guardedly indicating that he saw the tomb of Hippolytus himself, situated next to the tomb of Phaedra. Our traveler is guarded because, as he said earlier at 2.32.1 about the hero cult of Hippolytus, the people of Troizen ‘do not show [apophainein] his tomb [taphos], though they know where it is’. In the wording of Pausanias, oikiā ‘house’ can refer to the ‘abode’ of a cult hero, that is, to his tomb. And he ostentatiously uses this word here at 2.32.4. A telling parallel is the wording at Pausanias 2.23.2, where he refers to the tomb of the cult hero Adrastos as an oikiā while he calls the nearby tomb of Amphiaraos simply a hieron ‘sanctuary’—and while, even more simply, he refers to the nearby tomb of Eriphyle, wife of Amphiaraos, as a mnēma, the literal meaning of which is ‘memorial marker’. This same word mnēma is used by Pausanias here at 2.32.4 with reference to the tomb of Hippolytus. Other examples where oikiā refers to tombs of cult heroes include 2.36.8, 5.14.7, 5.20.6, 9.11.1. 9.12.3. 9.16.5. 9.16.7. §6. Returning to Pausanias 2.32.3, I conclude by arguing that the role of the goddess Aphrodite in the visualization of Phaedra’s recurrent erotic passion complements the role of the goddess Artemis in a visualization that we saw being brought to life in the poetry of Euripides. Whereas the role of Aphrodite is to be always available as the agent of erotic desire, the corresponding role of Artemis is to maintain her eternal unavailability as the object of that desire. Always unavailable, Artemis thus becomes the very picture of what is erotically desirable.
In the narratives, Hippolytus is depicted as a paragon of chastity and self-discipline, qualities that define his heroism within the cultural context of ancient Greece. His rejection of Phaedra's advances is rooted in his dedication to the goddess Artemis and his adherence to a code of moral purity. This portrayal aligns with the ideal of the male hero as one who resists temptation and remains steadfast in his principles, even at the cost of his own life. Phaedra, on the other hand, embodies the complexities of female desire within a patriarchal society. In Euripides' Hippolytus, her passion for Hippolytus is portrayed as an uncontrollable force that ultimately leads to her destruction and the downfall of Hippolytus. Her role as a woman who transgresses the boundaries of acceptable female behavior highlights the dangers of unchecked female desire, reinforcing the cultural belief that women’s emotions must be controlled and contained. The tragedy of Phaedra is not just her unfulfilled love but also the societal constraints that define her actions as inherently destructive. Pausanias' reference to the myth of Phaedra and Hippolytus, as discussed in the source, offers a more subdued version of the narrative, focusing less on the psychological torment of Phaedra and more on the broader mythological context. This difference in emphasis reflects varying cultural attitudes towards gender and heroism. While Euripides explores the inner turmoil of his characters, highlighting the destructive power of female desire, Pausanias presents a more neutral account, possibly influenced by the historical and cultural lens through which he viewed the myth. When comparing the versions of the Phaedra and Hippolytus story in Euripides and Pausanias, it is evident that Euripides' version is more focused on the emotional and psychological aspects of the characters, particularly Phaedra. Euripides' portrayal of Phaedra’s inner conflict and her ultimate decision to falsely accuse Hippolytus after he rejects her advances emphasizes the tragic consequences of her unbridled passion. In contrast, Pausanias’ version is less concerned with the emotional depth of the characters and more with the events themselves, reflecting a different approach to the narrative that is more aligned with the recording of history and myth rather than the exploration of character psychology. This difference in focus can be attributed to the cultural and political contexts in which these works were created. Euripides, writing in a period of Athenian democracy, was likely influenced by the social and philosophical debates of his time, including those related to gender and the role of women in society. Pausanias, writing in a later period, may have been more influenced by the desire to preserve and record myths as part of the cultural heritage, leading to a more straightforward recounting of the story. Comparison Between Individual Works: When comparing the story of Phaedra and Hippolytus with other similar narratives, such as the story of Joseph, we see a recurring theme of male chastity and female desire. In both stories, the male hero is depicted as morally superior, resisting the advances of a woman who is driven by passion. This resistance enhances the hero’s status as a figure of virtue and integrity, while the woman’s desire is portrayed as dangerous and destructive. However, there are also significant differences: In the story of Joseph, his refusal leads to his imprisonment, but he is ultimately vindicated and rises to a position of power. In contrast, Hippolytus’ rejection of Phaedra leads to his death, underscoring the tragic nature of Greek heroism, where even the most virtuous are not immune to the whims of fate. Lastly, Euripides' language is rich in emotional intensity, capturing the turmoil and despair that drive the characters to their tragic ends. Phaedra’s monologues, in particular, offer insight into her conflicting emotions, torn between her illicit love for Hippolytus and her sense of duty and shame. I find Pausanias’ account is more straightforward and less emotionally charged. His language is more descriptive and factual, focusing on the sequence of events rather than the inner lives of the characters. This difference in linguistic style reflects the different purposes of the texts: Euripides’ play is a work of drama intended to evoke strong emotions and provoke thought, while Pausanias’ account is more concerned with documenting the myth for posterity. To critique, however, Euripides’ use of emotionally charged language and complex character interactions can be seen as a reflection of the intellectual and cultural climate of classical Athens, where issues of gender, morality, and human nature were hotly debated. Pausanias’ more restrained language, on the other hand, reflects his role as a chronicler of myths, where the emphasis is on preservation rather than interpretation. CC BY Aarushi Attray (contact)
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www.cais-soas.com www.cais-soas.com
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Now after many days there was born to her a son, and he was of goodly mien, tall and strong, and the name that was given to him was Siawosh. And Kay-Kavous rejoiced in this son of his race, but he was grieved also because of the message of the stars concerning him. For it was written that the heavens were hostile unto this infant; neither would his virtues avail him aught, for these above all would lead him into destruction. In the meantime the news that a son had been born unto the King spread even unto the land of Rostam. And the Pahlewan, when he learned thereof, aroused him from his sorrow for Sohrab, and he came forth out of Zabolestan, and asked for the babe at the hands of its father, that he might rear it unto Iran. And Kay-Kavous suffered it, and Rostam bare the child unto his kingdom, and trained him in the arts of war and of the banquet. And Siawosh increased in might and beauty, and you would have said that the world held not his like. Now when Siawosh was become strong (so that he could ensnare a lion), he came before Rostam, bearing high his head. And he spake, saying- "I desire to go before the King, that my father may behold me, and see what manner of man thou hast made of me." And Rostam deemed that he spake well. So he made great preparations, and marched unto Iran with a mighty host, and Siawosh rode with him at their head. And the land rejoiced when it looked on the face of Siawosh, and there was great joy in the courts of the King, and jewels and gold and precious things past the telling rained upon Rostam and Siawosh his charge. And Kay-Kavous was glad when he beheld the boy, and gave rich rewards unto Rostam; but Siawosh did he place beside him on the throne. And all men spake his praises, and there was a feast given, such as the world hath not seen the like.
In this passage from the Shahnameh, the roles of Siawosh and Soudabeh illustrate deeply entrenched gender norms within the cultural context of ancient Iran. Siawosh is depicted as the ideal male hero: strong, handsome, virtuous, and destined for greatness, as foretold by the stars. His heroism is built upon his physical prowess, his lineage, and his moral integrity, which sets him apart as a figure of reverence and admiration. In contrast, Soudabeh embodies a more complex role—her desires and actions, driven by passion and longing, place her in opposition to the traditional virtues expected of women in this cultural context. I believe Soudabeh’s role in the story is multifaceted. On one hand, she is a queen, a position that grants her power and influence. On the other hand, her actions are driven by her desire for Siawosh, which challenges the expected behavior of a woman in her position. Instead of being the nurturing, supportive figure often expected of women in epic literature, Soudabeh becomes an antagonist, driven by personal desires that ultimately contribute to Siawosh’s downfall. Her actions highlight the peril of female power when it strays from the path of propriety, reinforcing a patriarchal view that aligns women’s virtue with their subservience and modesty. Soudabeh’s desire for Siawosh and her subsequent manipulation of King Kay-Kavous reflect a gendered power dynamic that portrays women’s influence as potentially dangerous when not checked by male authority. Siawosh, in resisting Soudabeh’s advances and ultimately obeying his father’s command, reinforces the idea of the male hero’s integrity and the importance of filial obedience in maintaining social order.
Additionally, when comparing the story of Siawosh to the Ramayana, a similar dynamic is seen between Sita and Ravana, where Sita’s resistance to Ravana’s advances reinforces her purity and devotion to Rama, thus elevating her status as an ideal woman within the epic. Unlike Soudabeh, who is driven by personal desire, Sita’s character is defined by her unwavering commitment to her husband, which aligns with the patriarchal ideals of female virtue. This contrast highlights how different cultural contexts shape the construction of gender roles within their respective epics.
Lastly, The linguistic value of this passage lies in its portrayal of fate and character through a rich narrative style that intertwines descriptive imagery with foreshadowing. The passage uses elevated language to emphasize Siawosh’s virtues, enhancing his stature as a hero in the reader’s eyes. The use of phrases such as “goodly mien,” “tall and strong,” and “the world held not his like” not only conveys Siawosh’s physical and moral attributes but also reinforces the idea of predestination, as his virtues are paradoxically the very traits that lead to his downfall. The translation captures the grandeur of the original text but also reflects the patriarchal mindset of the time, particularly in its portrayal of Soudabeh’s actions as inherently dangerous and subversive. The linguistic choices in describing Soudabeh—her eyes “filled with his beauty” and her soul “burned after him”—depict her desire as both overwhelming and destructive. This portrayal is indicative of the cultural and political context in which the text was translated and compiled, where female desire is often seen as a threat to social order. However, these linguistic elements reinforce traditional gender roles and the construction of the hero. The language used to describe Soudabeh's actions simultaneously suggests a bias that reflects the patriarchal values of the time, where women's power and influence are often depicted negatively when they diverge from the expected norms of female behavior. CC BY Aarushi Attray (contact)
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www.sitasingstheblues.com www.sitasingstheblues.com
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Sita Sings the Blues
‘Sita Sings the Blues’ by Nina Paley is an animated film that tells the story of Sita (husband of Rama) from the ancient Indian epic, the Ramayana. The film combines a somewhat autobiographical component in the form of music (the blues), thus providing a unique, engaging, and feminist interpretation of Sita’s story. The animation blends Indian art with contemporary visuals and1920s jazz vocals performed by Annette Hanshaw. While I found ‘Sita Sings the Blues’ much more engaging and easier to understand than Valmiki’s Ramayana, there are key differences in gender roles and the progression of gender roles based on the period of the source. In Valmiki’s Ramayana, Sita embodies the ideal wife and woman, adhering to the expectations of duty, loyalty, and purity, especially through specific moments: following Rama to exile, suffering abduction by Ravana, and undergoing a trial by fire to prove her chastity. In "Sita Sings the Blues," Sita retains these qualities but is given a voice through blues music, which adds emotional depth and modern feminist commentary. This version portrays Sita as more vocal about her emotions and frustrations, highlighting her humanity. Interestingly, Valmiki’s Sita is defined by her relationship to Rama and her adherence to dharma. Her heroism is in the uplifting of her duty (or ‘dharma) by showing devotion to Rama as a woman’s role is often confined to being devoted to her husband. Paley’s Sita challenges this by expressing her inner life, thus redefining heroism to include emotional resilience and the right to question unjust treatment."Sita Sings the Blues" critiques this by juxtaposing traditional scenes with contemporary animation and blues songs, thereby emphasizing the restrictive nature of these roles and advocating for a more nuanced understanding of gender dynamics. In Valmiki’s text, heroism is predominantly male-centered, defined by physical strength and adherence to dharma while Paley’s adaptation redefines heroism to include emotional expression and resilience, allowing Sita to provide a platform for her to voice her pain and strength— a form of expression that woman is culturally told to hide but has been growing into a form of strength in modern times with growing recognition of female rights, the “#MeToo Movement, and more. From a linguistic perspective, Valmiki’s text is rich in poetic language and cultural references, but the patriarchal mindset of the time is evident in the language, which often marginalizes female perspectives. The text’s portrayal of gender roles reflects the socio-political context of ancient India. The linguistic innovation of ‘Sita Sings the Blues’ combining traditional dialogue with modern American English and blues lyrics creates a unique narrative voice. This blend serves to bridge cultural and temporal gaps, making the story accessible and relevant to contemporary audiences. The adaptation strives to promote feminist reinterpretation though can also be seen as an imposition of modern values on an ancient text, potentially overshadowing the original cultural context. CC BY Aarushi Attray (contact)
Valmiki. The Ramayana. Translated by R. K. Narayan, Penguin Classics, 2006.
Paley, Nina. Sita Sings the Blues. Directed by Nina Paley, 2008, http://www.sitasingstheblues.com/watch.html.
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sacred-texts.com sacred-texts.com
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His sweetly-speaking bride, who best Deserved her lord, he thus addressed. Then tender love bade passion wake, And thus the fair Videhan spake: 'What words are these that thou hast said? Contempt of me the thought has bred. O best of heroes, I dismiss With bitter scorn a speech like this: p. 127 Unworthy of a warrior's fame It taints a monarch's son with shame, Ne'er to be heard from those who know The science of the sword and bow. My lord, the mother, sire, and son, Receive their lots by merit won; The brother and the daughter find The portions to their deeds aligned. The wife alone, whate'er await, Must share on earth her husband's fate. So now the king's command which sends Thee to the wild, to me extends. The wife can find no refuge, none, In father, mother, self, or son: Both here, and when they vanish hence, Her husband is her sole defence. If, Raghu's son, thy steps are led Where Dandak's pathless wilds are spread, My foot before thine own shall pass Through tangled thorn and matted grass. Dismiss thine anger and thy doubt: Like refuse water cast them out, And lead me, O my hero, hence-- I know not sin--with confidence. Whate'er his lot,'tis far more sweet To follow still a husband's feet Than in rich palaces to lie, Or roam at pleasure through the sky. My mother and my sire have taught What duty bids, and trained each thought, Nor have I now mine ear to turn The duties of a wife to learn, I'll seek with thee the woodland dell And pathless wild where no men dwell, Where tribes of silvan creatures roam, And many a tiger makes his home. My life shall pass as pleasant there As in my father's palace fair. The worlds shall wake no care in me; My only care be truth to thee. There while thy wish I still obey, True to my vows with thee I'll stray, And there shall blissful hours be spent In woods with honey redolent. In forest shades thy mighty arm Would keep a stranger's life from harm, And how shall Sitá think of fear When thou, O glorious lord, art near? Heir of high bliss, my choice is made, Nor can I from my will be stayed. Doubt not; the earth will yield me roots, These will I eat, and woodland fruits; And as with thee I wander there I will not bring thee grief or care. I long, when thou, wise lord, art nigh, All fearless, with delighted eye To gaze upon the rocky hill, The lake, the fountain, and the hill; To sport with thee, my limbs to cool, In some pure lily-covered pool, While the white swan's and mallard's wings Are plashing in the water-springs. So would a thousand seasons flee Like one sweet day, if spent with thee. Without my lord I would not prize A home with Gods above the skies: Without my lord, my life to bless, Where could be heaven or happiness? Forbid me not: with thee I go The tangled wood to tread. There will I live with thee, as though This roof were o'er my head. My will for thine shall be resigned; Thy feet my steps shall guide. Thou, only thou, art in my mind: I heed not all beside. Thy heart shall ne'er by me be grieved; Do not my prayer deny: Take me, dear lord; of thee bereaved Thy Sitá swears to die.' These words the duteous lady spake, Nor would he yet consent His faithful wife with him to take To share his banishment. He soothed her with his gentle speech; To change her will he strove: And much he said the woes to teach Of those in wilds who rove.
This passage highlights Sita’s duty as a wife to share her husband’s fate and accompany him in exile. She argues that a wife must share with her husband. Rama’s fate, as she cannot find refuge or protection from anyone else but him. Throughout the Book, Rama tries to dissuade by describing the difficulties and horrors of the wilderness; however, Sita emphasizes that her love and commitment transcend fear and discomfort while emphasizing that her happiness stems from being benign with him rather than living in luxury. Sita’s speech simultaneously highlights the traditional gender roles and stereotypical expectations placed on both men and women. The idea of a ‘hero’ is identified with masculinity and being warrior-like (physical toughness). Sita refers to Rama as the ‘best of heroes’ and dismisses the idea of leaving the hand as suggesting that it would be "unworthy of a warrior's fame" and bring "shame" to a "monarch's son." This emphasizes the societal expectation that a hero must uphold his honor and strength, particularly in the context of his relationships and duties. Additionally, Sita's declaration that "the wife alone, whate'er await, must share on earth her husband's fate" underscores the patriarchal norm that a woman's place is with her husband, highlighting her role as a devoted and submissive partner. This builds on the cultural- and somewhat universal- stereotype that a woman’s role, as a wife, heavily resides in her being a devoted and submissive partner to her husband. When comparing different translations and adaptations of the Ramayana, variations in the portrayal of gender roles can be observed. For instance, in some modern adaptations, there may be a subtle shift towards portraying Sita with more agency and independence, reflecting contemporary views on gender equality. However, in traditional versions, such as those by Valmiki and other ancient translators, the patriarchal mindset is more pronounced. Yet, Sita's role is predominantly defined by her loyalty and subservience to Rama. The language used to describe Rama and Sita's roles reflects the societal norms and expectations of the time. Phrases such as "unworthy of a warrior's fame" and "the wife alone, whate'er await, must share on earth her husband's fate" reveal the deeply ingrained gender roles and the emphasis on male heroism and female subservience. However, the linguistic value of the work also lies in its expressive qualities as Sita’s heart-touching lines: "through tangled thorn and matted grass," illustrate the depth of her love for Rama. Ultimately, the translations differ based on the politics of the time and culture. CC BY Aarushi Attray (contact)
Valmiki. The Ramayana. Translated by Ralph T.H. Griffith, Project Gutenberg, 2009, Book II: Canto XXVII.: Sítá’s Speech, https://sacred-texts.com/hin/rama/ry105.htm. Accessed 4 Aug. 2024.
Valmiki. The Ramayana of Valmiki. Translated by Hari Prasad Shastri, Shanti Sadan, 1952.
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The Gilgamesh Epic is the most notable literary product of Babylonia as yet discovered in the mounds of Mesopotamia. It recounts the exploits and adventures of a favorite hero, and in its final form covers twelve tablets, each tablet consisting of six columns (three on the obverse and three on the reverse) of about 50 lines for each column, or a total of about 3600 lines. Of this total, however, barely more than one-half has been found among the remains of the great collection of cuneiform tablets gathered by King Ashurbanapal (668–626 B.C.) in his palace at Nineveh, and discovered by Layard in 18541 in the course of his excavations of the mound Kouyunjik (opposite Mosul). The fragments of the epic painfully gathered—chiefly by George Smith—from the circa 30,000 tablets and bits of tablets brought to the British Museum were published in model form by Professor Paul Haupt;2 and that edition still remains the primary source for our study of the Epic
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