That to an Indianwoman, whether Hindu or Mahommedan, is the cruelestof all curses,

was founded to combat certain unnecessary supersti-tions and rites which had grown up concerning birth, andto bring about a more hygienic and common-sense course oftreatment

Tothis Miss Annette Benson, who formerly held a publicappointment under the London County Council, has latelybeen sent by the Secretary of State for India, as this is aGovernment recognized institution. She is assisted by Miss.Cama, a young Parsee lady, who has lately returned fromEngland after a course of study at home marked by muchsuccess.

Ample space and perfect ventilation aresecured to each patient, while a salutary rule, consideringthe malnutrition of many Indian working-class mothers,and the extreme youth of others (one or two girl-wivesof only fourteen have been in its wards), enjoins that eachwoman shall spend a fortnight at the hospital before herconfinement is expected.

It wasopened by the Duke of Buckingham in 1880, and so well werecaste scruples and customs respected that, although womenof high caste would usually have died rather than enter apublic institution, as many as a hundred and fifty resorted to

Free instruction is given hereas well as pecuniary assistance towards maintenance whileunder tuition, and the work is taken up by Hindu as well asnative Christian women. The services of these trained dhaisare finding satisfactory appreciation by those for whose benefitthey are intended, and probably through them the way will bepaved for a fuller recognition of the value of qualified medicalhelp.

For the nail-paring, his poorneighbours know that he has a fixed charge of two or threepice, but from his richer patrons he looks for a larger fee,often receiving as much as a rupee and a piece of cloth,besides further doles of rice, salt, and spice.

practice to give one grounds for thebelief that modern Malabar systems found their source inancient Hebraic ordinances

I think that some of the exceeding severity ofconvention in the matter here is clearly traceable to Jewishinfluence

which would be criminal were they notsanctioned by long custom, prevail throughout India, andare common to almost every creed and class.

is not on account ofevil intent, but is due to the appalling ignorance of the dhais,

Gentlewoman

that Indian womenare not altogether in such pitiful plight as some of theirso-called friends come and tell us, my inquiries will nothave been made in vain.

Yet it would be unfair toclassify it as wholly colourless, as absolutely unspiritualized.Eamily affection enters strongly intoit, and even as withourselves blood brotherhoodisa binding tie among Hindusand Mahommedans, Non-Aryans and Parsees.

In this, perhaps, mynewspaper training stood me in good stead, as it enabledme to grasp facts first and draw conclusions afterwards

purdah.

Of these, I contributed some twenty-eight, whichdealt with many divers aspects and conditions of femalelife in India, to the columns of the Daily Graphic.

When looking at his paintings,one is perhaps inclined to accept them as natural-istic images and not think of their collateral func-tion, which was to filter past art in the light ofcontemporary· sensibilities and pass it on to fol-lowing generations, properly enriched.

s it happens, the majority ofMillet's paintings can be viewed as transpositionsof religious and mythological themes. Ruth andBoaz, begun in Paris on the eve of the Revolution,was subsequently completed as The Harvesters(Museum of Fine Arts, Boston) and so exhibitedin 1853, a typical example of what should becalled the "secular shift." Couples shown goingto work in the fields, the wife and child astride adonkey led by the husband, are restatements ofthe flight into Egypt. Young girls learning to spinor sew recall the common medieval theme of theVirgin's education; a peasant pointing the wayto lost travellers echoes the pilgrims of Emmaus; amother seated with her swaddled child held be-tween her knees is a peasant Madonna and Child.

nstead of confirming the middle-class view that life on the farm is a happy roundof healthy ta ks, Millet brought the laboring peas-ant directly into the observer's pre ence, with asense of the grueling, wearing tasks he performs.

Indian sum- mer daily Increasing in terrible force, and becoming oppressive to our unaccustomed Anglo-Saxon consti- I tutions.

xploited putative symbolic associations incombining white trousers, red waistcoat, and blue tunic, respectively signi-fying love, work, and faith.

Oh! how I groan to see myself so ALONE and isolated, without anyone tolove and enlighten me, to guide me in my studies and continually show me aclear goal to aim for

e feature most talked about in the revolutionary press was theabsence of boxes alongside the stage. Never before had a major Paristheater sacrificed revenues for the sake of artistic illusion by deprivingthe well-to-do of their prestigious forestage boxes. It was a sign of thetimes

ach othe

Another way to honor the gods is to tell stories about them, especially to theyounger generation

the pejorative term “superstition” (迷信), in favor of a neutral term, “popu larbeliefs” (minjian xinyang, 民間信仰), which had been adopted by Chinese aca-demics in the 1990s.

They will make a god out of thoserare clairvoyant people, and call him “Lord” something. If there is a matron whom theygreatly respect, they will turn her into a goddess with the title of “Grandmother.” Ifthere is a beautiful woman, they will make her a goddess and call her “Lady.”

Compassionate being to whom I owe my life and my spouse's life!You are not a Savage; you have neither the language nor the manners o(one. Are you the master of this Island?

presage

s. They take care not to instruct us. Ifby chance our eyes were to open, we would be horrified by the state towhich they have reduced us, and we would shake off a yoke as cruel as •.·•it is shameful; but is it in our power to change our fate?

These are their own fields that they reap,sown with the corpses of the Planters, and these crops are now wateredwith our sweat and our tears

But tell me why Europeansand Planters have such advantage over us poor slaves? They are, however,_ made like us: we are men like them: why, then, such a great differencebetween their kind and ours?

This difference perspective is perhaps best summed up by the words of the familiar quip: women who want to be equal with men lack ambition.

In some schools, when it comes time to learn the breast and pelvic exams, students are required to learn those exams on each other

“practice” a pelvic exam on the patient after they’re put under anesthesia, before the surgery starts. Sometimes, more than one student will practice the exam with many sets of fingers in the patient’s vagina without their knowledge.

but rather a new mode of reading that, even when the texts ittook on were in total conformity with religious and political order,developed a critical attitude freed from the ties of dependence andobedience that underlay earlier representation

In one sense, then, it was the Revolution that “made” the books, andnot the other way around, since it was the Revolution that gave apremonitory and programatic meaning to certain works, constituted, after the fact, as its origin.

What does that word mean?A : Sage, friend of humanity

Close to two-thirds of the books printed were thus produced either with a secretand purely verbal authorization, with no authorization at all, or inviolation of a prohibition.

“The licentious books and the obscene prints are put asideby the huissier-priseur and are not sold publicly, but the heirs dividethem up and have no scruples about selling their fathers bed, hisshirts, and his suits of clothing.”

cabinets delecture

If the French of the lateeighteenth century fashioned the Revolution, it is because they hadin turn been fashioned by books. Furthermore, those books providedan abstract discourse remote from the practice of daily affairs and acriticism of tradition destructive to authority

It seems as if there was nothing else in the world. Atleast it is found everywhere and it floods all literary efforts;nobody cares whether it deforms them, content in making themserve as a conduit

Some even looked back to the ‘good old days’ of colonialism when childrenwere at least sent to school and health care was provided by the estate, anostalgic memory but nevertheless important in how they view their lottoday

The advertisement tells us of the 12 million healthiercocoa trees that Nestl ́e is providing for farmers in West Africa as part of thedevelopment of the industry. These claims create an affective bondbetween us and the company through the image of the workers, whichhumanizes the statements

The appearance of workers on fair trade advertisinghas been described as an act of de-fetishization, since fair trade aimsto change market relations to advertise the conditions of productionexplicitly30 in order to ‘make transparent the relations under whichcommodities are exchanged. This is intended to form part of the usevalue of the commodity31 and as such transforms the unveiled concretelabour itself into a commodity’.

In her representation from 2003, she is almostliterally not there, in exactly the same way as the migrant domestic workermaintains a ghost-like existence in the middle-class households in whichshe works.

By evoking an image of domesticity and traditional femininitythese images are able to suggest for the consumer feelings of intimacy andtranquillity in varying degrees of intensity and in the process hide thesocial relations of production at the very moment that they are visualized

Eric Shouse distinguishes affect from feelings andemotions, suggesting that affects are ‘pre-personal’ as opposed to feelings,which are ‘personal and biographical’, and emotions that are ‘social’ – inother words, affect is our unconscious response which precedes our consciousfeelings and decisions.13 ‘Affect’, as Spinoza and Deleuze articulate,‘presupposes an idea’ but is ‘not reducible to the ideas one has’. Yet, whileaffects are intensities and sensations, these intensities unfold in a context.

theseadvertisements, the exploitation of industrial labour is not only re-workedbut the relationship between producer and consumer is also changedthrough the form of social communication offered in the advertisement,where ‘affective labour’ is visualized as opposed to traditional manuallabour. Affective labour has been more regularly represented in advertisementsfor service-sector industries such as tourism and catering

Many Bangladeshi men who start outworking in restaurants upon arrival— often through kinship ties with theowners— correspondingly seek other work when, and if, more promisingopportunities arise

What is more, selected cities and neigh-borhoods with sizable Asian populations came to view their numerous res-taurants as an opportunity to tell an affirmative story about local ethnicdiversity. Indeed, they did so precisely in areas plagued with social andeconomic problems and where “race relations” proved persistently precari-ous. 85 Styling themselves as Britain’s “Curry Capitals” became a central plankin a succession of local regeneration efforts

laiming superior knowledge became amarker of distinction at a time when ever greater numbers of Britons becamefamiliar with, and appreciative of, the versions of Asian food made availableto them—what Appadurai termed a “political economy of taste” or a “politicsof connoisseurship” revolving around commodities that had traveled far fromtheir place of origin.71

he faulted the cooks as ill equipped to do justice to the foodsthey prepared because of their lack of skills.

“standardized food for Anglos, and specialties for Mexican-Americans andMexicans.

n restaurant in Wolverhampton . . . while tryingto balance it on the end of his nos

The view that Asians and their surroundings “stank of curry”abounded and became deployed by landlords to explain why they refusedAsians as tenants

a visually appealing spectacle whendressed in “Oriental” fashion

Koi Hais” in London speaking Urdu at “our last refuge, theIndian restaurant.

urbaned Indian waiters providedservice considered “an Oriental dream” amidst Indian carpets, chandeliers,punkahs (fans), and other decorative accoutrements intended to connote theluxurious “East.” Diners who wanted to be treated like “sahibs” again byattentive “native” servants and cooks had come to the right place.

Such phrasing that positions Asian producerslargely as passive is clearly inadequate: the standardized forms that SouthAsian food and restaurants typically took by the 1980s illustrate strategicchoices restauranteurs made to build a solid customer base among a whitepopulation that was initially skeptical, if not outright hostile

will argue that multiculturalism in a broader, more encompassingsense proved extremely fragile in moments of crisis occurring not long afterRobin Cook’s speech extolling the virtues of chicken tikka masala.

Multiculturalismbecame subjected to vituperative critique by antiracists in the 1980s, whoargued that teaching about other cultures and preaching tolerance failed toconfront racial prejudice.

“I love chicken curry.”

Once marginalizedwithin British culture, curry became a primary vehicle for denying, masking,and articulating racism, demonstrating the mutually constitutive nature ofintolerance and multicultural celebration.141 Jade Goody, interview with Davina McCall, Celebrity Big Brother, Channel Four(Great Britain), January 19, 2007.

Later asked why she called her “Shilpa Poppadum,” Goody explained that“she wanted to use an Indian name and the only word she could think of wasan Indian food.”1

With many South Asians eagerly assertingtheir distinction not only from white Britons but also from each other in termsof their national, social, and religious origins, restaurant and gastronomictrends reveal that multiple ethnic absolutisms are at work within this purportedmulticulture, severely circumscribing what convergences and transformationshave occurred.

When the central role played by restauranteurs of Bangladeshi or Pakistaniorigin in developing Britain’s curry culture has been noted, it has often beenby elite Indians and affluent white “connoisseurs” engaged in the act ofdisparaging familiar offerings as downmarket and inauthentic.

national dyspepsia

Britain absorbs and adaptsexternal influences.

Some East German officials continued to connect Halbstarke andtheir lack of male restraint to Western militarism and even fascism. Butothers reevaluated their stance against American popular culture and juve-nile behavior; they came to see Halbstarke as legitimate resisters againstthe West German political system and West German rearmament

English' term~~:: ~o~Iedged the presence of young'~ggest1~g that adolescent misbehav· dies r~ther than Halbstarke, thus;t1ke their West German counter a wr was m fact a foreign import.

In the trials against rioters, whose actions were by andlarge harmless, some judges warned that they were a threat to state orderand handed down relatively high sentences of up to one year imprison-ment. 4

jeans, T-shirts, and short jackets (sometimesmade of leather), revealing clear similarities with the male heroes of TheWild One, Rebel Without a Cause, and Blackboard jungle

Halbstarken

4 Thus, West Germancommentators portrayed American women as victims of men and sawfemale-induced brutality at the center of American male hyperaggression

Both terms carried homo-sexual connotations. Thus East German officials, in their efforts to discreditthe workers' rebellion, clearly hoped to place the rebellion within parame-ters of the discourses around juvenile delinquency that had developed inthe two German states.

It is disturbingly similar to Nazi depictions of "infe-rior humans": the young man stood slumped over with an unfriendly ex-pression on his face. Ironically, even as this East German propaganda in itsaesthetic choices seemed to appeal to values of the Nazi period, East Ger-man officials were establishing a close connection between allegedly"Americanized" demonstrators and fascism and were in fact labeling thewhole uprising an attempted fascist coup d'eta

As one East German culture official, Kurt Hager, explained in 1950,"The hair is styled in such a manner that it rises from the base of the necklike the mushroom cloud of an atomic bomb." 89

Using expressions like "jungle instincts"and "sultry Negro songs," West German critics, like earlier critics of massculture, associated male jazz fans with racial as well as with gender trans-gressions

The reporter complained, "onlybrass could be heard and none of the soft strings, which please the hearts ofthe friends of German dance music." He thus adopted the logic of the Naziswho had replaced brass sections with strings, when they adapted Americanswing for German audiences

In this outrageous move, Sti.ickrath thusimplied that American westerns, rather than indigenous German culture,could be responsible for Nazi crime

With these images, these WestGermans in fact racialized the alleged dangers of westerns.

Numerous judges gave examples of delinquents who had frequented "cow-boy" and" gangster" films, but most judges felt that it was unclear whetherthe movies had led adolescents into delinquency.

Ealert Germans to th . ernfmen ts, ast German authorities tried toe existence O a "tru 11 1 Gcould breach the Iron Cu t . d e popu ar erman identity thatr am an connect people in East and West Germany

apers treated Gladow as a ruthless westernhero and/or American style-gangster. One East Berlin article referred toGladow's crimes as "Wild West adventures."

Consumption and entertainment were onceagain associated with dangerous sexuality. Such postwar commentary usedthe language that Weimar conservatives, especially those influenced byCatholic social theory, had leveled against "materialism" in both its Bol-shevist and American manifestations. Now such accusations were also di-rected against the Third Reich, which conservatives interpreted as an ex-pression of the excess of the "mass age.

Drawing on the Ger-an stereotypes of powerful American women, called Amazons by someyY"eimarcommentators, and playing with the term American zone, criticslso referred to the German female fraternizers as 'Amizonen."

Asone Soviet cultural officer concluded, Germans were interested only infilms about adventure and romance. 5 American movies thus quicklyproved more popular than Soviet productions.

killed by African American soldiers were systematically spread

for example, membersof the Edelweifs opposition groups referred to themselves as "Navajos,"thus identifying with American Indians.

Not only did the picture portray the saxophon-ist as unmanly and evil; a Star of David on his lapel also linked him, and byextension all blacks and jazz music, to Jews.91 With this combination of an-tiblack and anti-Semitic sentiments, the Nazis attacked musicians and fansf h N • 11d "N' J • " 92o w at az1s ca e 1gger- ew Jazz

Most Nazi films urged viewers, likely women as well as men, to identifywith serious male heroes, who achieved their status through sacrifice andthe subjugation of women

In the 1920s, dance crazes and themore temporary heterosexual relationships between young people that in-creasingly replaced prostitution were all part of what one Catholic ob-server called the "extensive sexualization of public life."

rmalities, including stuttering or a foaming mouth) endan-gered this process. 60 Unlike r

Unlike racists, most of them from the right, Nordaudid not associate these characteristics with one particular ethnic group,such as Jews or African Americans, but rather saw them as a result of in-dustrialization and urbanization.

criticized American marriages asan "Amazon state in miniature.

"a serious social menace among the lower part of thepopulace."41 Such criticisms were part of a tradition of associating Americanmovies, lower-class culture, and overaggression among men-

Howwas normality defined in the two German states? And how were visions ofnormality enforced

Making gender and race central categories of analysis, and in-cluding young women, changes our understanding of politics and culturein the 1950s

Conflicts over American popular culture make itpossible to examine how East and West Germans transformed their historyof constructing racial hierarchies when the defeat of National Socialismhad discredited a German national identity based on biological racial supe-riority. The issues of race and ethnicity deserve particular attention in thestudy of two societies grappling with the legacy of the Third Reich

In often vehement rejections of Amer-ican culture, both sides conflated uncontrolled sexuality, African Americanculture, and German lower-class culture, and linked aU three to fascism.

arly limited. As in West Ger-many, access to abortions was very restrictive after 1950. 12 Authorities inboth states established heterosexuality within marriage and in the serviceof reproduction as the explicit norm for men and women

These visions of overly sexualor overly strong women and weakened men coexisted with the specter ofyoung men-whether postwar black marketeers, juvenile delinquents, orunderground members of the Hitler Youth (so-called werewolves)-whoseaggressive potential had not been tamed in the name of the state.

linked consumption, sexual-ity, and femininity.

Although young men constitutedthe majority of rioters, the public visibility of many young women as fansof American film and rock 'n' roll stars further heightened anxieties

Two interconnected concerns shaped battles within and between the twoGerman states over American influences. First, East and West German au-thorities perceived American cultural imports as a threat to establishedgender norms. Second, in responding to American popular culture, whichoften had roots in African American culture, Germans confronted theirown notions of racial hierarchies.

However, as the 1950s wore on, and as consumption assumed growingimportance as a Western weapon in the Cold War, West Germans wouldhave to develop new answers, and a different, consumption-oriented mas-culinity, in their efforts to find a new, German, way between Eastern totali-tarianism and American-led alleged Western self-destruction

Rather, such shrines became active agents inthe political ecology of royal courts. Patron deitieswere promoted or demoted as part of a strategy ofgovernance by a ruling faction

of a dialectic of control and promotion of a corporateideology

Althoughdeity shrines provided a strong and compelling focusfor group identity, solidarity, and well-being, suchstructures also could become the focus of intra andintergroup conflict precisely because they catalyzedgroup membership and, in the process, engenderedcategories of ‘other

hese colossal con-structions created zones of restricted access and thusfacilitated practices of inequality. Sacred shrines alsoengender the need for protection since they become afocal point of both internal contestations and externalthreat

f persons froma large catchment who came together seasonally (thusthe lack of identifiable residences that are coeval withthe earliest E-Group at Ceibal).

E Groups initially werebuilt for ground-based solar and planetary observa-tion.

t was theprocess of building – the coming together of people towork on crafting something – that was significant.

Rather than evincing a step-like or incremental increasein societal size and complexity (e.g., bands, tribes,chiefdoms, and states), these very large aggregationsappear with little prelude and some included popula-tion concentrations exceeding 5000 people

Thus, archaeol-ogy – although not an experimental science – may bethought of as the study of political experimentation

In their reiterations, political forms parallel thestructure of scientific experimentation.

f earlier structures and in the processbecome more resilient. Such Lamarckian

By nature of their negotiated sta-tus, political arrangements often are finite, with anemphatic beginning (or founding event) and a mud-dled yet definitive ending. A

ForAmericansandEuropeansalike,theproblemishowtoliveintwodifferentworlds—oneglobal,theotherlocalorregional—whilereapingthebenefitsofboth.

MassculturebademssecondjJonlybytheouica’ssativeexport,exceededAmerica’s second mostlucra)tptoftheaerospace industry

Theh‘‘ailuregaveAmericanfilmsantelevisionprograms,asweilasnews-failugayanfilmsdpapersandmagazines,theirvitality,theiremotionalconneNoe:withviewersandreaders,andtheirimmenseautaritotinfre-lewersangfreders,ndttnglobapopwar

onentertainmentwasasignofthecommercializationofAmericanculture,anotherexampleofhoweveryartformhad been“commodified”inacountry devotedmorethan any othertothecapitalist ethos.

Thesenseofconflictandentanglement—theambivalencethatshapedthepersonal,political,andcultural con-frontationsbetweenEuropeansandAmericans—waswhatIencoun-teredregularlyinAmsterdam.Thesecontradictoryfeelingsbecametheinspirationforandacentralthemeofthisbook.

rtisanal coffeefarms now mimic the Ethiopian model – including the Italian-run plantations in Brazil.

It exemplifies the stereotypical conflation of territorial and sexual conquest.

igure 4. ‘Qui comando io!’ (

Advertising imagery on caffè posters and wall panels con-flated colonial persons with colonial products by using dark coloured skin as a visual pun fordark coloured foods

although considered the most promisingcoffee zone, had been the last part of the Ethiopian territory to be pacified, a fact noted even bycolonial officers as justification for the region’s poor yields.

was designed to display a knowledge of African languages forparallel European powers

The performance of control mattered more than enhancingthe product yield. What was deemed rational was not in fact logical.

t. Therein lay the problem:Ethiopian-run plantations produced more and better coffee. This fact negated a key justificationfor Italian empire. How could the regime claim to be conducting a civilising mission in Africaif their coffee plantations lagged behind local production?

‘coffee figured prominently in the mythology ofempire and autarky: of empire because Ethiopia, the nation Italy had invaded was a major producerof Arabica coffee beans; of autarky because Brazil refused to follow sanctions imposed by theworld community and continued to furnish Italy with its coffee beans’

Ethiopian invasion primed the Italian market for more Brazilian beans than ever before

British cuisine due to that nation’s central role in the sanctionauthorship. Though never as popular in Italy as coffee, afternoon tea quickly became potumnon grata. Ethiopian-produced hibiscus tea, called Karade, provided an autarkic alternative toteas from the British plantations in India and was ubiquitous in the period’s advertising.

long: in 1935, the Fascist regime annexed Ethiopia, and proclaimed the establish-ment of Italian East Africa (modern-day Ethiopia, Eritrea, and Somalia). Within a single gener-ation, Italians could switch from being coffee plantation workers to being overseers.

Within a single gener-ation, Italians could switch from being coffee plantation workers to being overseers

fullness, and harvesting load. This kind ofgrowing works, but only temporarily. It produces lots of beans, but with less flavour and aroma.

In 2015, a strange trend swept through northern Italian bars,wherein right-leaning baristas ordered Fascist-themed novelty sugar packets from Mussolini’sbirthplace in Predappio (Fig. 10). Dubbed ‘caffè nero’ by the press for the black Fascist votingcard colour,

These records reveal a colonial approach that laterexpanded to control plants as well as people: the debt patronage system and monocultural farmingtemporarily consolidated elite domination. At stake in this situation lay the solidification of eco-nomic and political ties between South American and European elites

Responses suggest that many Italian coloneperceived their coffee farming labour in the context of the slavery system that preceded it.

The Veneto experience on the Brazilian latifondia mirrored that of southern Italian experiences inthe large agricultural estates of the Mezzogiorno: in Brazil, a small, white elite used black or indi-genous slaves, and later northern Italians, to produce export coffee for the very European marketsfrom which those Italian immigrants hailed.

Consider the workload for family of Italian colonos: both parents and any children who couldwork looked after an average of 5–8,000 coffee trees year-round.

autarky

nd a half belowpuberty

marry a freedwoman, or a woman who is or has been, or whose father or motherhas been, an actress

lithomancy

Cylinder seals found in mortuary contexts in the South Caucasus indicatethat the objects were worn around the necks of individuals as pendants,suggesting that perhaps what was being authorized was an individual—asingular body again transfigured into an authoritative one through the ef-ficacious workings of a material assemblage

The figure of theLate Bronze Age bejeweled body had, in this sense, become critical to thereproduction of formal sovereign authority: rulers came and went, but thecontinuity of the polity now rested squarely in the durable authority ofthings.

The presence of psychotropic substances sug-gest that transfiguration in the Late Bronze Age included embodied phar-macological practices

that likely contained unguents, perfumes, incense, or other sub-stances that would have powerfully shaped the sensual qualities of devo-tional ritual—the smells, tastes, and sounds of sacred rites

he focus of Gegharot’smanufacturing on items of personal display indicates an industry primarilydedicated to the production of social difference.

pithos,

a politicization of the re-gional economy, requiring not only institutions of rule but also a more orless well- constituted community of subjects, a public responsive to the de-mands of authority.

Gegharot were supplied with specific cuts ofmeat, reinforcing the suggestion that there was a significant flow of goodsinto the site.

Monahan’s conclusion is that thecaprine profile does not resemble that of a pastoral group anxious to main-tain a sustainable herd, but that it more likely represents a community sup-plied with animals from multiple herds.

1 were classified as products of clay sourceslocated outside the Tsaghkahovit Plain, suggesting that an economic insu-larity accompanied Late Bronze Age political territorialization.

How did this new object world of the Late Bronze Age participate in theformalization of sovereignty across the region? What role did these newthings play in establishing a new sense of authority, new sentiments of aes-thetic attachment to the polity, and a new sensibility of the physical articu-lation of subjects and objects?

romlech, a single circle of stones surrounding a sub-terranean earth or stone chamber, covered by large capstones

Hence the death of one sovereign no longerentailed the reordering of the political but merely the substitution of an-other bejeweled body into the particular relations maintained by themachine.

The ethical state was held together by the “sacredempire of law,” but the aesthetic state was reproduced by taste and by thecorrect “moral orientation” that it provided

the images underscore Hobbes’s(1991) understanding of sovereignty as vested not in a human body but inan automaton, not in the ethical consent of subjects to subordination butin their captivation by an aesthetic project maintained by a machinery ofrule

automaton

The images in this aesthetic sense reify the political, occludingthe sovereign body and highlighting instead the apparatus of rule.

an aesthetic accountunderstands the images as representations of the machinery of political re-production.

o adopt Ankersmit’s (1996: 45) accountof the political aesthetic, actions undertaken in one medium (i.e., the sover-eign) are “made visible and present in another medium” (i.e., the assem-blage of rule).

Higher Time 1 body image concerns correlated with greater perceived increases in weight/shape and eating concerns at Time 2, and greater Time 1 body comparison orientation was also associated with perceived increases in social media use. These findings suggest that COVID-19 may have particularly deleterious effects on those at highest risk for eating disorders due to pre-existing body image concerns.

These perceptions were related to increased concerns about weight and shape and eating – which over 60% of participants described as elevated since COVID-19

Despite no statistically or clinically significant change in reported weight or BMI, there was a significant increase in the mean value for weight description from Time 1 (3.06 [.57]) to Time 2 (3.13 (.52); t(89) = 2.15, p = .03; d = .13).

, “Since the COVID-19 pandemic, please rate each of the following:” ranging from “1 = Much less/lower than before,” “2 = Less than before,” “3 = Somewhat less than before,” “4 = No change from before,” “5 = Somewhat more than before,” “6 = More than before,” and “7 = Much more than before.” Responses for the following items are included in the current report: “Body weight,” “Eating,” “Physical activity,” “Concerns about weight and shape,” “Concerns about eating,” “Time on social media (Instagram, Snapchat, Facebook),” and “Time on gaming.”

Among participants, 89% described themselves as heterosexual, and mean (SD) age was 19.45 (1.26) years at baseline and 19.71 (1.24) years at follow-up, reflecting the 3 months

Method Undergraduates (N = 90; 88% female) completed on-line assessments before and after students were required to leave campus due to COVID-19. Time 1 and Time 2 surveys collected demographic information, height, weight, and a Likert-scale rating to describe perceived weight, ranging from 1 = very underweight to 5 = very overweight (weight description). Time 2 surveys added questions for perceived changes since COVID-19 in body weight, eating, physical activity, various forms of screen time, and concerns about weight, shape, and eating

n addition to these specific fears created by the COVID-19 pandemic, the situation has substantially increased general levels of stress and emotional distress (Brooks et al., 2020), which are key risks for disordered eating

The pandemic requirements of social distancing likely increase social media use as a means of communication, which may therefore heighten risk for disordered eating. Furthermore, specific social media trends such as those jokingly referring to weight gain during the period of confinement (“COVID-19” as a play on words alluding to the “freshman 15”; Elizabeth, 2020), and greater social media attention to home cooking and “pandemic recipes” may create supplemental pressure via greater attention to weight and food that may serve to increase ED risk and symptoms

Social isolation requirements may constitute a barrier to social support, making individuals more vulnerable to the effects of stressful circumstances. Similarly, other activities that are helpful in terms of emotional regulation (e.g., visiting a therapist, engaging in pleasurable activities) may no longer be accessible to individuals (Cook-Cottone, 2016), and instead, less adaptive emotional regulation strategies, including emotionally-induced eating, restrictive eating, or purging behaviors may be relied upon

Eating disorder (ED) behaviors are likely to be exacerbated by the pandemic through multiple pathways, particularly among vulnerable groups, including those with body image and eating concerns.

We must bear in mind that many cannot focus on weight management goals at the moment because of increased work demands (especially among essential workers), unforeseen hardships, and immediate concerns for safety and surviva

s. First, in order to drown out unhealthy social media messages, obesity professionals and advocates can try to "flood the zone" with more positive health messages that encourage self-care and self-compassion (some obesity and eating disorder groups are already contributing to the social media conversation in this way).

Reduced self-efficacy is associated with poorer long-term weight control

Additionally, quarantine-15 posts that make weight gain seem inevitable, and those that reinforce stereotypes that people with obesity (or those who gain weight) are lazy and have no self-control, may weaken weight-related self-efficacy or confidence in one's ability to achieve healthy eating and activity goals.

A quick search of "quarantine 15" yields more than 30,000 Instagram posts, not including thousands of posts using related phrases (e.g., "COVID-15") and those found on Twitter and Facebook.

Social media can help people to feel connected while practicing social distancing, and comical memes may be a source of laughter, distraction, and validation for many people.

Soranus clearly wants to frighten his audience into following his rules. In essence, he seems to say, you’ll regret it if you don’t listen to me!

best possible offspring.

allaying the anxiety of the gravida even if they do not happen to have had experience with birth.

( such as pennyroyal, a clod of earth, barley groats, as well as an apple and a quince and, if the season permits, a lemon, a melon, and cucumber

month to drink Cyrenaic balm to the amount of a chick-pea in two cyaths of water for the purpose of inducing menstruation. Or: Of panax ba

The other party prescribes abortives, but with discrimination, that is, they do not prescribe them when a person wishes to destroy the embryo because of adultery or out of consideration for youthful beauty; but only to pre-vent subsequent danger in parturition if the uterus is small and not capable of accommodating the complete development, or if the uterus at its orifice has knobby swellings and fissures, or if some similar difficulty is involved

And these things mostly occur in women who abort from the use of a medicament. In those miscarrying without any inter-ference, on the other hand, there comes first, according to Hippocrates, an unexpected shrinking of the breasts or, 116 as Diocles says, coldness of the thighs <and) a heavi-ness located in the loins around the very time of the deliv-ery

for if the skin is toned up it does not break, but is kept unwrinkled

If the bulk of the abdomen is hanging down under its weight, one must raise it by means of a broad linen bandage; one must place the middle under the bulk of the abdomen from beneath and carrying both ends up round the sides, one must cross them; then one must lay them over the back and shoulders and must fasten them down in front on the en-circling band.

harmful things first by arguing that the damage from the things which satisfy the desires in an unreasonable way harms the fetus just as it harms the stomach; because the fetus obtains food which is neither clean nor suitable, but only such food as a body in bad condition can supply.

But above all one must take care to prescribe foods which are good for the stomach, easy to digest, and not readily decomposed, like soft boiled eggs, groats of spelt prepared with cold water, or with diluted vinegar, or together with the stones of pomegranate, or a very dry porridge of barley groats or best, one of rice

She also ought to promenade, exercise the voice and read aloud with modulations, take active exercise in the form of dancing, punching the leather bag, playing with a ball, and by means of massage.

For it has been harmed: it is weakened, becomes retarded in growth, less well nourished, and, in general, more easily injured and susceptible to harmful agents; it becomes misshapen and of an ignoble soul.

I therefore reframe ethnography as a participatory practice in which learning is embodied, emplaced, sensorial and empathetic, rather than observational. I argue for the concept of the ‘research encounter’, which refers to the shared moments through which ethnographers learn and know about other people’s experiences.

The lingering influence of Kant has rein-forced our visual orientation to the world. Such visualism, as I have men-tioned, can be a Eurocentric mistake for cross-cultural studies of societiesin which the senses of taste or smell are more important than vision.

In fact, it is the play of personalities, the presentation of self, and thepresence of sentiment-not only the soundness of conventional researchmethods-that have become the reasons for my deep immersion into theSonghay world.