For them, one must demonstrate friendship over along period of time. Then, and only then, do the seeds of trust germinate.

My graduate studies sharpened my intellectualist vision and nar-rowed my sensual horizons

I smelled and tasted ethnographic things andwas both repelled by and attracted to a new spectrum of odors, flavors,sights, and sounds

first I dove into thesensual world of the city.

“He who furnishes local tables with the products of far away regions once used to exhibit his wares in their original casings. . . . [O]ut of manila sacks, and out of palm leaf baskets wafted the aroma of distant places, which could easily captivate an impressionable imagination.” Yet “today . . . a new school leads us down a path allowing us a pictorial view directly into those distant lands.” 9

This chapter offers a challenge to the view of advertising as “reflective.” Advertising does not merely replay preexisting ideologies or replicate cul-tural perspectives. It has its own agenda—namely, a commercial imperative to seize attention and impel purchase. And the manifestation of imperialism or the appearance of “the colonies” in advertising across Europe around the turn of the century owed more to advertising’s own internal evolution than to the actual economic connections of nation to colony or to the promi-nence of empire in their self- conception.

The enormous white lips on the figure, however, unequivocally prevent the figure from being mistaken for a German. In the final consideration, ad-vertisers needed human figures that could be demeaned, because they were useful, and they adopted “race” in order to more efficiently accomplish this.

North America, for instance, would have been offended by such imagery. It w

The transformation is cleverly done – for the new figure is still reminiscent of the former “blackamoor” (who still inhabits the shelves of supermarkets and museum shops in the form of nostalgic boxes and packages

hat black people’s skin is brown because they like to consume chocolate, or other edible products of a similar color;

This was visually played out on a package of chocolate pralines featuring the Sarotti as well as the swastika

was not a man but a child. It did not threaten white women but innocently served them their chocolate, looking at them faithfully and loyally with big round eyes.

After the end of World War I, when Germany had lost all claims to its former colonial territories, the colonial endeavor was still popular among many Germans. It was in this context of a growing colonial revisionist movement that images of Africans as servants, as well as those of “blacka-moors” with trays began to appear frequently.2

Europeans, suggests that this sweet treat maintained its appeal regardless of the horrific working conditions endured by plantation workers.

Rather, I argue that the association of chocolate with blackness was based on the knowledge of peoples, places, and practices that produce it

hard manual labour becomes equated with People of Colour

The overseers are the ones returning the gaze of the camera; their “returned gaze” makes them appear as subjects, although they, too, are mem-bers of the colonized people

After Reichardt ceased to buy cocoa from Portuguese West Africa, the company obtained most of it from the so-called “German protec-torates” (Schutzgebiete) on Africa’s West Coast, namely Togo and Cameroon. Reichardt declared the import of cocoa from Cameroon a “patriotic deed”

If the connection was solely based on a meto-nymic equalization of skin colour and the colour of the product, then images of black people would also be “ideal” to advertise, say, whole wheat bread–a traditional German staple. But since this type of bread lacks even the remotest exotic appeal, the linkage to People of Colour cannot be carried out–it lacks the mythical dimension

People of Colour and plantation settings, often considered “exotic” or “tropical”, on the other, has its roots in a tradition of discursive and material links between chocolate and enslaved black bodies.

La Corona rulers were instructed in the governing arts as predicated by a powerful regime and they clearly harnessed this authority and behaved like divine kings

Thus, this room may have served as a “quality-control station” for monitoring meals served in the royal courtyard

uch feasts were key political-economic occasions to harness allochthonous sources of power (e.g., exotic foods, imported artifacts such as vessels, jewelry, and clothing) for securing the support of an autochthonous base and elicit their earthly contributions to the regimes

suggesting either an enormous cadre of nobles inhabitants or frequent and long-staying noble “guests”

n the north—a peninsula surrounded on three sides by water—galactic mimesis was expressed with considerably less drama. During Terminal Classic times, galactic mimesis resulted in a creative fusion of allochthonous and autochthonous building styles, blending the sweeping corbelled vaults of Uxmal and Chichén Itzá with plentiful representations of the feathered serpent.

In the south, the culturally and linguistically foreign entrada of the Early Classic coincided with the death of at least one ruler, a dramatic restructuring of the visual cues of rulership

Viewed differently, the greater accessibility of range structures at Northern courts could be signaling that the authority accompanying rulership was less concentrated. The presence and persistence of council houses (popol nah) at Classic-period northern sites—those long, stone buildings that lack internal wall divisions—is yet another indicator that instruments of governance were less centralized than in the south and hereditary rulership not fully embraced

imply housing a contingent of important foreigners would have required expansion of court buildings and possibly the adoption of architectural styles that evoked the court of the powerful wife or husband giver

who moved northeast to Naranjo where, as a stranger-queen, she established a new regime

Stranger kings and queens need not have traversed cultural or linguistic boundaries to embody divine power. Affiliations with Tikal were suffused with Teotihuacan regalia and imagery.

E-Groups

Olmec rulers.

the degree to which Classic Maya texts sponsored by one royal court refer to other royal seats is remarkable

Paradoxically, the same processes that “imported” foreign royals necessarily preserved some political power in the hands of local kin groups

hese superordinate regimes directed or inspired subordinate courts to emulate their governmental practices; i.e., galactic mimesis (following Sah

we suggest that the face(s) of rulership often were those of strangers. This desirable quality of strangeness, however, was achieved by several different means that could include distant origins, a sojourn and return from a distant place—perceived as one of origins—or an in-situ transformation of a local ruler into one suffused with radiant qualities and abilities to summon ancestors, patron deities and critical forces of nature.

fter addressing underlying assumptions about the ancient Maya world, we discuss stranger queen/kingship and some key political dynamics – schismogenesis, galactic mimesis, and upward nobility—that accompany this kind of state-crafting. Importantly, we discuss how ubiquitous marital alliances between allochthonous and indigenous ruling elites empowered royal courts by solidifying their sovereignty over both the local and international political spheres—something we refer to as dual sovereignty.

The lesson is that anthro-pology has long been implicated in a major theoretical scandal, insofar as it has been futilely engaged in various ways of explaining cultures from within, as if they were self-fashioning, although even their differences are formed in relation-ships to others—schismogenesis.

chismogenesis

It follows that the Toltec identity of Mexica kings is equally arbitrary, since their maternal descent from Culhuacan kings does not differentiate them from Chichimec rulers who could claim as much. Rather than some sort of pre-scriptive identity, the process in play is a high-stakes mode of complementary schismogenesis in which major kingdoms selectively position themselves vis-à-vis each other by adopting contrasting values from a common stock of cultural traditions.

In thus depicting their ancestors as the autochthons, the Texcoco traditions differ from the common narratives of Chichimec migrations into the Valley fol-lowing the collapse of Tollan of the Toltecs

autochthons

The “elders” of Teno-chtitlan, as many as twenty calpulli heads (according to the version), voluntarily provided wives for Acamapichtli: out of sympathy, it is commonly said, for his principal wife, a Culhuacan princess, was barren.

If in fact one were true and the other not, it would only confirm Nigel Davies’ astute observation (1977: 71) that Mexica history can consist in the reenactment of legendary events that never took place—as in the return of Quetzalcoatl or Lono (Captain Cook), for example

“to beg a chief ” (kere turaga), that is, to solicit a ruling chief of their own from a higher and greater power, most commonly a son of a renowned ruler of the region.

t least some of the princes who fail to win the crown, including some for whom discretion was always the better part of valor, are then likely to move to peripheral regions where they can establish kingdoms of their own, whether as dependencies of their homeland or as autonomous realms

alactic systems are marked by a politics of “upward nobility,” whereby the chiefs of satellite areas assume the politi-cal statuses, courtly styles, titles, and even genealogies of their superiors in the regional hierarchy—who for their part imitate the galactic hegemon, while the latter, in invidious contrast to ambitious vassals and rival emperors, claims to rule the world.

rather than strangers becoming native kings, native kings sometimes become strangers: that is, they take on the identities of legendary world-historical rulers

he Sukhothai capital was a mandala in itself: centered in the royal pal-ace and principal temples, quartered by roads laid out in the cardinal direc-tions, and encircled by three concentric ramparts

Sukhothai realm in the cardinal directions signified a universal extension of the ruler’s authority, the monarch’s hegemonic ambitions exceeded his real-political powers

galactic polity

preside over his rebirth and maturation as their own sacred child

they are in turn domesticated in the process

But then, the paradigmatic structure of stranger-kingship is everywhere inher-ently ambiguous by virtue of the residual authority retained by the underlying native people as the original settlers and owners of the country

the aforementioned union of the immigrant prince with a high-ranking woman of the land.

As Rousseau famously argued in The social contrac

Both Quetzalcoatl and Huitzilopochtli were notorious for betraying or slaying close kinsmen-- sisters, paternal uncles, brothers, and sisters’ sons among them—on the way to their respective kingdoms. They were something else, not like the kinship-ordered peoples they were destined to rule.

likening not only the Mexica’s polity to various African states, but also their hegemony to the Roman empire and their kings to sovereigns of Polynesian island

Truk, things that drift ashore, including the founders of chiefly lineages, have come from the spirit world; which is why, as Ward Goodenough explained, Europeans, on their first arrival, were greeted as denizens of that divine realm

First in the land, giv-ing birth to the king, the subject people are senior kinsmen of their ruler

National galleries were founded; national men- talities discovered; national cuisines elaborated.

Gradually folk dance became part of an official cultural her- itage, but also something tourists expected to find wherever they traveled.5

As Zola described the frenzied commercial transactions of the pilgrims, he tried to convince his readers that Lourdes was no longer a traditional reli- gious shrine. It was now a fairground or holiday getaway.

While the novel did parody the church, passages looked sympathetically at poor and sick individuals who turned to religion.

For Huysmans, the development of mass pilgrimages to the site had created an elaborate commercial life that reduced the shrine to a place of vulgar trafficking in goods and irrational spending by naive pilgrims. Huys- mans’s novel not only revealed his anxiety over the state of modern religious worship but also betrayed his fears over the democratizing impulse of mass consumption.

One advertisement for the Pastilles de Lourdes, \oxenges made with Lourdes water and sugar, proudly trumpeted its ability to make the sacred source available to all who needed it: “Not everyone can come to the waters of the Fountain and respond to the inclination of their heart .. . but the waters of the fountain can go to everyone.”

mass-produced religious experience.

Yet these guidebooks were careful to list restaurants, lodg- ings, and special outings that even the most humble pilgrim could afford. All the faithful, rich and poor alike, were expected to participate in the activities of Lourdes.

rnadette’s fame had unleashed a rash of visions by other young women and children who tried to claim some of the sacred authority that Bernadette had gained among the local populace.

This essay seeks to add another dimension to the discussion of pilgrimage and tourisin by examining the historical practices and meanings of modern Catholic pilgrimage.

hile Catholics needed reassurance that pilgrimage was still connected to divine power, critics of the church wanted to distance religious worship from emerging forms of secular entertainment and progressive capitalist development. Thus both sides sought to reconstruct pilgrimage and tourism as antithetic activities. Yet the inability to maintain this distinction between pilgrimage and tourism was a clear reminder of the impossibility of the task.

he modern tourist no longer journeys in search of knowledge or truth. Instead, the tourist embarks on a vacation, traveling in comfort and pursuing mindless forms of pleasure.’

oing back over my earlier troubles and fearing what the future may bring, I break down. Deprived of such great defenses as I have just described, contemplating your glory, I seem now not so much capable of enduring these things. Rather I seem kept alive for longing and grief.

which may be a comfort for me

But I for my part will steer my feelings to your views and follow your directions.

What desire or need to have children could have been so great for me, that I could have broken faith, and traded certainty for uncer-tainty? But why say more?

You would, you said, turn our house over to another woman’s fertility, but your plan was that in keeping with our well-known marital har-mony, you would find and arrange a suitable match worthy of me; you insisted that you would regard the children born as shared, and as though your own; nor would you require a sepa-ration of our property, which up until then we had shared, but it would still remain in my control and, if I wished, under your management; you would hold nothing apart, nothing separate, and you would henceforward fulfill the duties and devotion of a sister or mother-in-law

What you planned because of this and what you attempted! Perhaps in some other women this would be remarkable and worth com-memorating, but in you it is nothing at all to marvel at, compared to the rest of your virtues, and I pass over it.

rostrate on the ground before his feet, not only were you lifted up, you were also dragged and carried off like a slave. Your body was covered with bruises, but most strenuously you kept reminding him about Caesar’s edict with its rejoicing over my restoration, and although you had to endure Lepidus’ insulting words and cruel wounds, you kept on putting forward your case in the open so that the person responsible for my trials would be publicly disgraced. I

made your sister and her husband, Gaius Cluvius, partners in your plans to save me

Thus no less to your devotion than to Caesar do I owe my existence

Bravely you drove them back and defended our house

our jewelry, when you tore off your body all your gold and the pearls

Gaius Cluvius and I mutually consented to take upon ourselves the amounts you settled on; we approved of your generosity, and so that you would not deprive yourselves of your own property, we substituted our own wealth for yours, and turned over to the dowries some lands of ours.

So that these same women could achieve a match worthy of your family, you provided them dowries.

rt on your part to acquire what you handed over in its entirety to me. We shared the duties in such a way that I stood as protector of your fortune, while you kept a watch over mine.

your attentive weaving,

You took care of my mother as well as you did your own parents and saw to her security as you did for own people

marriages ended by death, not cut short by divorce.

n having achieved this, you completed the defense that you had undertaken, all on your own, of respect for your father, devotion to your sister, and loyalty to u

It was your firm intention to uphold the acts of your father

You defended our shared position

In consequence (it was said), you along with your father’s entire estate automatically would revert to the guardianship of those who were pursuing this matter;

you were guarding it.

it, so strenuously performing your familial duty

virtuous character

the mixed agriculturalists colonizing the IND, this meantzones where good rice growing soils (not too shallowly ortoo deeply inundated) were present, as well as non-inun-dated areas (primarily levees or areas beyond thefloodplain) for pasturing livestock in flood season, plusdeep basins for dry-season pasture.

nucleation (increased settle-ment size)

ndeed, most of the potential agricultural land inthe choice 1 kilometer belt around Jenné-jeno is taken upby settlement mounds. These seem to represent, rather, aninteresting variation on nucleation.

schewed any approach thatrequired them to increase labor inputs to particular plots(S.McIntosh, in press a).Instead, dense, nucleatedpopulations and an extensive exchange system based onreliable surplus production have been maintained by anagricultural system characterized by low inputs to laboracross a diversified portfolio of agricultural investments

13,000 hectares ofpotential rice-growing soils are available. Today, a quarterof these soils are left fallow in any given year

But for themost part, they maximized production through thedevelopment of specialized subsistence niches linked byexchange and interdependence, maintaining wildresources as a significant element of diversification withinotherwise specialized economies

Nucleation

Rather, all evidence suggests that the PhaseIII and IV components of the mound are substantiallycomposed of mud wall-melt, indicating intensive occupa-tion. I believe that it is reasonable, therefore, to use thefigure of 195 people per hectare as a density factor thatmay be applicable to Jenné-jeno.

early all these sites were located on inter-mediate-depth floodplain soils favored for rice cultivation

Wild rice grewalongside domesticated varieties, and in some fields,reseeding occurred entirely from grains that had fallen tothe ground during harvest.Bemused, the French won-dered whether this was really agriculture or simply gath-ering (Gallais 1967: 218–19)

Sherratt’s developmental scheme, agri-cultural systems expanded and differentiated in succeed-ing millennia by diverting surface water to reach a widerarea (irrigation) and by adaptation to dry conditions by abetter use of rainfall (including adoption of the plow).

This movement into thewell-watered valley of the Niger was the final act in anattenuated drama involving southward movement alongdrainage systems of mixed agriculturists no longer able towater their cattle or successfully grow crops in the higherlatitudes of their ancestors, which were progressivelyturning to desert.

While there can be no doubt that thestudy of elites and the struggle to consolidate power hasproduced important results, it is the non-conforming casestudies (the ones we have been perhaps the least likely toselect for study in the first place) that reveal the gaps in thistheoretical framework. Jenné-jeno challenges us to makeroom in our explanatory schemata for a population ofover 11,000 packed onto more than 130 hectares of tellsurface within a 12 km2 area that apparently did not do anyof the following: increase reliance on domesticated at theexpense of wild cereals; intensify agricultural productionthrough large collaborative projects; display obviouswealth differentials; develop a settlement pattern reflectingincreasingly centralized organization; or develop a settle-ment pattern consistent with high levels of intersiteconflic

It suggests that after the destruction of the palace, people did notfall into a Hobbesian ‘war of all against all’ but simply got on with theirlives – presumably under what they considered a more equitable system oflocal self-governance

Commoner graves burst in on the elite cemetery, and in the palace district amass burial, with signs of torture and grotesque violations of the corpses,appears to be evidence for what the excavator describes as an ‘act ofpolitical retribution’

The city wall was razed fla

Yet it could be argued that Mesopotamia – with its standardizedhousehold products, allocation of uniform payments to temple employees,and public assemblies – seems to have largely embraced the first version.Ukrainian mega-sites, in which each household seems to have developed itsown unique artistic style and, presumably, idiosyncratic domestic rituals,embraced the second

Yet the kingdoms seem to have hadno role whatsoever in the management of the irrigation system. This wasgoverned by a series of ‘water-temples’, through which the distribution ofwater was managed by an even more complex system of consensualdecision-making, according to egalitarian principles, by the farmersthemselves.

that these forms of governancewere based on an ideal of equality; and that there were entire citiesgoverned in what was seen to be exactly the same way

ll this is redolent of the inequality of the caste system, with itshierarchical division of social functions, organized on an ascending scale ofpurity.

allconstructed to the finest architectural standards, yet unmarked bymonuments dedicated to particular rulers, or indeed any other signs ofpersonal aggrandizement

gemstones and worked shell – for example – were widelyavailable to households of the Lower Town; archaeologists have recoveredsuch goods from caches beneath house floors, and bundles of them arescattered over every quarter of the site.

gain entry to ceremonial occasions? Or were theyused for administration, to impress identifying signs on commoditiespassing among unknown parties: a Bronze Age origin of product-branding?Could they be all of these things?

most oftenunicorns.

Inside their ownsocieties, at least, they also rejected commerce

societies of the Northwest Coast or, for that matter, the Māori of NewZealand.

nlike the isolated ‘princes’ and ‘princesses’of the Ice Age, there are whole cemeteries full of such burials – for exampleat Başur Höyük, on the way to Lake Van, while at Arslantepe we seeexactly the kind of physical infrastructure (forts, storehouses) we mightexpect from a society dominated by some sort of warrior aristocracy

rban temple-factories were literally outputtingproducts in uniform packages, with the houses of the gods guaranteeingpurity and quality control

To geta sense of how pervasive some of these innovations were, consider that justabout anyone reading this book is likely to have first learned to read inclassrooms, sitting in rows opposite a teacher, who follows a standardcurriculum. This rather stern way of learning was itself a Sumerian

Thissuggests a wider range of participation, which would make sense if womenwere not entirely excluded and if early Uruk did not, like later Athens,define some 30 per cent of its population as resident aliens with no votingrights, and up to 40 per cent as slaves.

Ukrainian mega-site in reverse, its oldest known architectural layoutis all core with no surrounding flesh, since we know almost nothing of theresidential districts beyond the Eanna precinct, which were ignored by earlyexcavators at the site

creating monuments thatboasted of the bloody vengeance they carried out against rebels. But whendealing with loyal subjects they were strikingly hands-off, often grantingnear-total autonomy to citizen bodies that made decisions collectivel

The term used by modern scholars for this general state of affairs is‘primitive democracy’. It’s not a very good term, since there’s no particularreason to think any of these institutions were in any way crude orunsophisticated.

T imes of labour mobilization were thus seen as moments ofabsolute equality before the gods – when even slaves might be placed on anequal footing to their masters

these seasonal projects wereundertaken in a festive spirit, labourers receiving copious rewards of bread,beer, dates, cheese and meat.

corvée. This refers to obligatory labouron civic projects exacted from free citizens on a seasonal basis, and it hasalways been assumed to be a form of tax extracted by powerful rulers: taxespaid not in goods, but in services

he same systemof ‘first neighbours’ and substitution, the same serial model of reciprocity,is used to call up anything that requires more hands than a single family canprovide: from planting and harvesting to cheese-making and slaughteringpigs. It follows that households cannot simply schedule their daily labour inline with their own needs.

of how such circulararrangements can form part of self-conscious egalitarian projects, in which‘everyone has neighbours to the left and neighbours to the right. No one isfirst, and no one is last.

evokes the bodies of women

Each family unit invented its ownslight variations on domestic rituals, reflected in its unique assemblage ofserving and eating vessels, painted with polychrome designs of oftenmesmerizing intensity and made in a dazzling variety of forms. It’s as ifevery household was an artists’ collective which invented its own uniqueaesthetic style.

It was ‘play farming’ ona grand scale: an urban populus supporting itself through small-scalecultivation and herding, combined with an extraordinary array of wildfoods

More probably, the mega-sites weremuch like most other cities, neither permanently inhabited nor strictlyseasonal, but somewhere in between.

dated to the early and middlecenturies of the fourth millennium BC, which meant that some existed evenbefore the earliest known cities in Mesopotamia.

Hunters and foragers, fishers and fowlers were no lessimportant to these new urban economies than farmers and shepherds.

Across many parts of Eurasia,and in a few parts of the Americas, the appearance of cities follows quiteclosely on a secondary, post-Ice Age shuffling of the ecological pack whichstarted around 5000 BC.

n point of fact, the largest early cities, those with the greatestpopulations, did not appear in Eurasia – with its many technical andlogistical advantages – but in Mesoamerica,

the people’ of a given city(or often its ‘sons and daughters’), united by devotion to its foundingancestors, its gods or heroes, its civic infrastructure and ritual calendar,which always involves at least some occasions for popular festivity.

Inmost cases, written evidence is either lacking or extremely limited in scope.(We are still talking here, for the most part, about very early periods ofhuman history, and cultural traditions very different from our own.

a conscious experimentation in urban form

In other words, from the perspective of someone living in an ancientcity, the city itself was not so entirely different from earlier landscapes ofclans or moieties that extended across hundreds of miles. It was a structureraised primarily in the human imagination, which allowed for the possibilityof amicable relations with people they had never met.

It is as though modern forager societies exist simultaneously at tworadically different scales: one small and intimate, the other spanning vastterritories, even continents.

Beyond 150(which has come to be known as ‘Dunbar’s Number’) larger groups such as‘tribes’ may form – but, Dunbar asserts, these larger groups will inevitablylack the solidarity of smaller, kin-based ones, and so conflicts will tend toarise within them.2

of intimate friends, let alone a family, will eventuallydevelop a complicated history

But forvarious reasons, the problem of scale has now become a matter of simplecommon sense not only to scholars, but to almost everyone else.

For a long time, it was considered almost universal common sense thatwomen make poor soldiers.

much less pessimistic assessment of human possibilities,

Increasing the number of people living in one place may vastlyincrease the range of social possibilities, but in no sense does itpredetermine which of those possibilities will ultimately be realized.

It would seem thatthe mere fact of urban life does not, necessarily, imply any particular formof political organization, and never did

Very large social units are always, in a sense,imaginary. Or, to put it in a slightly different way: there is always afundamental distinction between the way one relates to friends, family,neighbourhood, people and places that we actually know directly, and theway one relates to empires, nations and metropolises, phenomena that existlargely, or at least most of the time, in our heads

Online. There she is occupying 90% of the screen. I’m in the corner, facing myself. But if my doppelgänger is there, that means my friend’s doppelgänger must be here right next to me?

nce I get the picture, I am immediately infected. No need for a test. I know it. I feel the virus spreading through me until that video seems to be all I can think of. I respond in affect. I want to create a chain of infection. Copy. Paste. Share Now (Public). I honestly expect it to go viral in a mat-ter of minutes when I share it on my Facebook page

Virginia Woolf

Importantly, when these digital technologies are not merely seen as neutral transmitters of information but rather as performative infrastructures (cf. Gillespie, 2010), they become mediating agents in their own right that not only facilitate processes of sensemaking but also shape the per-formance of social acts (van Dijck, 2013).

I creatively recorded and integrated my fathers’ calls with the sounds and stillness from nature to make an audio pastiche (click icon for audio).

(This was deliberately designed in case anyone who tested positive with COVID-19 in quarantine time tried to commit suicide by jumping out of the windows.—Official W)

Food supplied by the hotel on arrival

ould stimulate further in-depth studies to explore these phenomena.

To my knowledge, little research has been done on the role of social responsibility in the decision-making process of South Africans in the face of COVID-19 vaccines and war-rants further investigation

World Health Organization (WHO, 2017) has previously published resources that guide organizations on how to build trust in vaccines. This may be beneficial to health and governmental institutions who are responsible for COVID-19 vaccine uptake in South Africa (see WHO, 2017).

esearchers refer to this as social responsibility (the obligation to do something to ben-efit the greater society) or prosociality, defined as “enduring tendencies to enact behaviors such as sharing, helping,

significant amount of misinformation or myths that I was exposed to.

Benefits= 3, risks = 0.5

partly by my desire to explore my own initial mixed emotions about COVID-19 vaccines

Autoethnography is a qualitative approach in which researchers draw on personal experience or “insider knowl-edge” to explore the phenomenology of events, offering broader insights into social phenomena

Recognizing the subjective nature of my narrative, autoethnography is valuable to produce knowledge that is meaningful, evocative, and relatable to different audiences

Another common criticism, recalling the blasts against women, held the growth of consumerism to be a sign of effeminacy in German culture. Finally, consumerism was seen as foreign, if not Jewish, at least French: as one writer put ic, “the department store has nothing co do with German culture.” Others lamented the “thoughtless imporr of foreign fashions... we see our German women squeezed inco French fashion clothing which was cut for the bodies of a differently built race.”

ellogg,

Vegetarianism, concentrated or healthy grains such as those contained in his new graham cracker, woulc prevent over stimulation both in che sexual and the consumer arenas Graham’s message of simple foods, temperance and chastity won many con- verts for a time, particularly among young, urban men.

There were two points here. In the first place, the word consumption itself at this point had two meanings: the buying of goods, but also respiratory disease including tuberculosis. In this latter sense, it was possible ro die of consumption. Some writers deliberately punned on the double meaning as a way of attacking consumerism:

Either she had been divorced because of some fault or she was arrogant enough to initiate divorce herself

The questions most important to autoethnographers are: who reads our work, how are they affected by it, and how does it keep a conversation going? [39]

Most of the time, they also have to be able to continue to live in the world of relationships in which their research is embedded after the research is completed

Writing is a way of knowing

Similar to interactive interviews, community autoethnographies use the personal experience of researchers-in-collaboration to illustrate how a community manifests particular social/cultural issues (e.g., whiteness; TOYOSAKI, PENSONEAU-CONWAY, WENDT & LEATHERS, 2009). Community autoethnographies thus not only facilitate "community-building" research practices but also make opportunities for "cultural and social int

but also must consider ways others may experience similar epiphanies; they must use personal experience to illustrate facets of cultural experience,

Not surprisingly, the greatest care was de­voted to protecting the virtue of the women, primarily through the medium of segregation. Women ate in separate dining rooms, most women salesclerks were concentrated in a few departments, and, aside from the library, live-in ar­rangements completely separated the two sexes

Virtue also became a Bon Marche trademark

The Bon Marche fell back on the aphorism "loyaute fait ma force" (honesty is my strength),

their coachmen in top hats and great coats, and their ga^ons in livery. Even more, there was an element of ritualization, a sense of pomp and ceremony in the loading of the wagons and their outward processions— or at least this was the image that the House intended to con­vey.

blanc

emein-schaftlich

For the consumers it was the monopolization of their lives by the stores—"a vice like alcoholism or drug addiction." Children were abandoned to grow up without the moral direction that only their mothers could provide. Husbands were driven to financial ruin as they speculated to support their wives' extravagances.47

ater he remarked that "most of these kleptomaniacs are only arrested in the department stores. They steal there and nowhere else."

demoi­selles, an interest in the lives of petit bourgeois girls living away from home, making their own living, and concentrated in large stores, where they were in constant contact with young men and exposed to high-pressured dealings with all levels of the public.

demoiselle

consider the grand magasin as a second home, larger, more beautiful, more luxurious than the other, where, as the case may be, she will be able to pass all the time that the concerns of her private life do not take from her, and where she will find about her only friendly faces. .

So public relations, in Bon Marche hands, portrayed a de­partment store world far from the menace that many en­visioned. They demonstrated that change of this sort could come about without a decline in standards, without a direct threat to the morals and order of bourgeois society, without a suppression of those bourgeois values and relations that seemed, on the surface, to have little in common with a mass, industrialized age.

192 PUBLIC RELATIONS her biography. Now . . . the same design and the same cut of clothing cover women who certainly are not of the same up­bringing, that is to say, of the same soul. .

"la joule,"

cialized; that is, they internalized social and cultural processes and structures so that they could take up their roles as adults, who would themselves, in turn, transmit social and cultural norms and prac-tices to succeeding generations.

hat is hardly reconcilable with the exalted regal space that was the Northeast Courtyard.

Together, these decorative elements would have conferred this exterior space a strong elite, political overtone.

also represented the first step in its disentanglement from Classic Maya divine kingship