limate activism focus increasingly on ‘do-it-yourself’forms of action such as developing grassroots solutions and taking direct action againstthe fossil fuel industry, we note that FFF and XR represent a ‘return to the state.’ XR’sthree central claims demand that governments ‘tell the truth’, ‘act now’, and ‘createcitizens’ assemblies.’ FFF explicitly demands that politicians ‘listen to the science,’ and‘follow the Paris agreement

the Israeli biomedical engineers have done it again.” Skunk is classified as a malodorant, nonlethal weapon, and it has been used by the Israel Defense Forces since 2008. While there is no proof that Skunk was used at Standing Rock, it is available in the United States and was purchased by the St. Louis Metropolitan Police Department after the Ferguson protests. With substances like these, the atmosphere becomes not only a medium for violence and control, but also one through which affects to demean are engineered.

The U.S. Supreme Court decisions known as the Marshall Trilogy nest indigenous nations in a “cramped space” (Povinelli 2016, 6) through their designation of “domestic, dependent nations,” rendering the use of tear gas and pepper spray on unarmed protectors at Standing Rock permissible

Joseph Masco (2017, S73) argues that the very notion of crisis is in crisis and that crisis has become a counterrevolutionary idiom in the twenty-first century: “Crisis talk today seeks to stabilize an institution, practice, or reality rather than interrogate the historical conditions of possibility for that endangerment to occur.

Kristen Simmons reminds us that conspire translates from latin to mean “to breathe together” and the type of relationships we imagine might take the shape of co-conspirators. 

However, entangled within white supremacist settler states, there are many times – times like now – when it is increasingly clear that our interests and our survival tie us together.

Community calls to justice for these murders have been met with militaristic responses, including police forces firing rubber bullets and tear gas at demonstrators. Given that COVID-19 seriously compromises our respiration system, it is very likely that the use of tear gas is tantamount to severe injury and death

Since the World Health Organization declared COVID-19 a pandemic in early March, American and Canadian responses to the highly infectious illness have made it plain whose lives matter. As feel-good phrases circulated, claiming “we’re all in this together” and “the virus does not discriminate”, Black and Indigenous peoples stressed that our communities would be among the most affected. 

thenhow do you deal with the fact that the women who clean yourhouses and tend your children while you attend conferences onfeminist theory are, for the most part, poor women and womenof Color? What is the theory behind racist feminism?

Without community there isno liberation, only the most vulnerable and temporary ar-mistice between an individual and her oppression. But com-munity must not mean a shedding of our differences, nor thepathetic pretense that these differences do not exis

And what does itmean in personal and political terms when even the two Blackwomen who did present here were literally found at the lasthour?

. This effect occurs because the speaker is positioned asauthoritative and empowered, as the knowledgeable subject, whilthe group in the Third World is reduced, merely because of thestructure of the speaking practice, to an object and victim thamust be championed from afar, thus disempo

If I am only speak-ing for myself I have no responsibility for being true to yourexperience or need

. Even a complete retreat from speech is of course not neutral since it allows the continued dominance of current discoursesand acts by omission to reinforce their domin

One is still interpreting the other's situation and wishes (unlessperhaps one simply reads a written text they have supplied), andso one is still creating for them a self in the presence of others.

The point is that akind of representation occurs in all cases of speaking for, whetherI am speaking for myself or for others, that this representation isnever a simple act of discovery, and that it will most likely have animpact on the individual so represented.

men. Thus, the work ofileged authors who speak on behalf of the oppressed is commore and more under criticism from members of those opprgroups themsel

, President Bush of the United States declares in apublic address that Noriega's actions constitute an "outrageousfraud" and that "the voice of the Panamanian people has spoken.""The Panamanian people," he tells us, "want democracy and notyranny, and want Noriega out." He proceeds to plan the invasionof Panama

The question is not of female participation in insurgency, or the ground rules of the sexual division of labor, forboth of which there is ‘evidence.’ It is, rather, that, both as object ofcolonialist historiography and as subject of insurgency, the ideologicalconstruction of gender keeps the male dominant. If, in the context ofcolonial production, the subaltern has no history and cannot speak, thesubaltern as female is even more deeply in shadow. . . .2 8

The terms ‘people’ and ‘subaltern classes’ [are] used as synonymous throughout [Guha’s definition]. The social groups andelements included in this category represent the demographicdifference between the total Indian population and all thosewhom we have described as the ‘elite

in the nationalist and neo-nationalistwritings - to Indian elite personalities, institutions, activities and ideas.

In the face of thepossibility that the intellectual is complicit in the persistent constitution ofOther as the Self’s shadow, a possibility of political practice for the intellectual would be to put the economic ‘under erasure,’ to see the economicfactor as irreducible as it reinscribes the social text

Men and gender-nonconforming people, and brave youth (who deserve particular recognition) also help caretake our peoples, make relations, and add to our collective strength. But nevertheless, the women-led condition of these movements is striking (see Wilson 2015).

ollective expression—many people communicating onsocial media on the same subject—regarding actual col-lective action, such as protests, as well as those aboutevents that seem likely to generate collective actionbut have not yet done so, are likely to be censored.

f the goals are simpleand well understood (e.g., the single-issue movement organizations Gamson1975 favorably discussed), then authorities will have a better idea of what theyneed to prevent, and trust will be reduced when the organization is not able toachieve these goals. In contrast, less clear goals do not provide a clear target forgovernment preemption, thus favoring dissidents.

Challengers outside of the polity and lacking connections to polity membersare more likely to be treated coercively and perhaps viciously to communicatea lesson to those generally under the coercive arm of the law.1

This leaves the state with the advantage regarding the impact on reap-praisal, for the state is able to employ a larger amount of coercive behavior.

, but bottom-up organizations (e.g., free-standing terroristcells) are better at small and more complex activities that require on-the-spotadaptation. If challengers stay with one approach, then government can getaway with a hierarchical institution and will likely have an advantage. This isespecially true if the authorities attempt to overwhelm the challengers. If thechallengers shift tactics frequently, however, and the government adopts anoutwitting strategy, then government would be better off with a more bottom-up orientatio

This perception of relative democratic passivityalso increases the possibility that reappraisal will be improperly specified andthat the government need only deviate from expected patterns a little to bringabout the desired result of ending the targeted SMO.

I maintain that it is the suspicion of their existence within a movementorganization that is believed to function as the disruption that reduces trust.Now, governments can let it be known through false letters or newspaper arti-cles that a particular group has been infiltrated, but (herein lies the crucialpoint) the challenging group itself needs to acknowledge that such a thing ispossible for the impact really to be felt. In a sense, infiltration is only real if itis believed to be real by challengers. Only then will trust be influence

movement, prompting burnout, lost commitment, factionalization, and depar-ture or exit

For example, I would argue that anorganization’s ability to progress toward the stated objectives would go a longway toward building and sustaining trust. This said, it is essential for chal-lengers – especially those of a radical nature – to keep their organization afloatby appropriately dealing with state repressive behavior

Unprepared SMOs, however, might behave as existing lit-erature seems to suggest. These organizations would simply be reacting withlittle understanding of what is going on and what they are doing

Evidence for this would be found when, prior to repressive action, work-shops and conferences on repression would be held or when pamphlets, articles,and magazines on the topic were distributed to the membership and the broaderpopulatio

In contrast, if members are not well integrated into the SMO, norms arelimited, and there are no group sanctions for nonparticipation, then repressivebehavior would send individuals away.

This is reinforced by the work of Davenport and Sullivan (2014), whofind that those directly subject to repression stay involved in dissident activity,those who did not directly experience repression flee, and a new cohort ofactivists is brought in to replace those who leave, which is in part drawn bythe news coverage of the previous repressive behavior as well as by resistanceto it.

For example, a faction may form around the issue of resourcedeprivation and what should be done about it, or a faction may simply beworsened by the resource problem as the different sides of the division weighin, adding yet another dimension to the internal strife

We believe in collective process and a nonhier-archical distribution of power within our own group and in ourvision o f a revolutionary society. We are committed t o ä con-tinual examination o f our politics as they develop through criti-cism and self-criticism as an essential aspect o f our practice

h e y realize that they might n o t onlylose valuable and hardworking allies in their struggles but thatthey might also be forced to change their habitually sexist waysof interacting with and oppressing Black women. Accusationsthat Black feminism divides the Black struggle are powerful de-terrents t o the growth o f an autonomous Black women'smovement

We might use our position atthe b o t t o m , however, t o make a clear leap into revolutionaryaction. /lf_Black women were free, it would mean that everyoneelse would have t o be free since our freedom would necessitatethe destruction o f all the systems o f oppression

o one before has ever ex-amined the multilayered texture o f Black women's live

Our politics evolve from a healthy/love for ourselves, our sis-ters and our community which allows us t o continue our strug-gle and work

Above all else, our politics initially sprang from the sharedbelief that Black women are inherently valuable, that our libera-tion is a necessity n o t as an adjunct t o somebody else's butbecause o f our need as human persons for autonomy

. F o r example, we were told in the samebreath t o be quiet both for the sake o f being " l a d y l i k e " and t omake us less objectionable in the eyes o f white people. As wegrew older we became aware o f the threat of physical and sexu-al abuse by men. However, we had no way o f conceptualizingwhat was so apparent t o us, what we knew was really happening

t was our ex-perience and disillusionment within these liberation movements,as well as experience on t h e periphery o f t h e white male left,that led t o the need t o develop a politics that was anti-racist,unlike those o f white w o m e n , and anti-sexist, unlike those o fBlack and white m e n

B l a c k w o m e n ' s e x t r e m e l ynegative relationship t o t h e American political system (a systemof white male rule) has always been determined by our member-ship in two oppressed racial and sexual castes.

As Blask-satomen we see B l a c k feminismas t h e logical political m o v e m e n t t o c o m b a t t h e manifold andsimultaneous oppressions t h a t alLwomen o f c o l o r f a c e

deed, the earlier RNA position of allowinginfiltration because of the difficulties in identifying and eliminating it whiletrying to establish a consensual, open environment for citizens essentially ateaway at the core of the RNA as it could later not tell friend from foe (trustedfrom untrusted)

RNA was subject to a wide variety of domestic spying, includingphysical surveillance and informant

As a result, there have been noefforts to systematically examine resource allocation from the perspective ofthose actors directly trying to control social movement organizations, and fewattempts have been made to identify the specific circumstances under whichSMOs acquire resources

When resources can be found, SMOs willflourish.4 With them, dissidents can pay rent; travel; offer decent salaries,training, seminars, and workshops; obtain equipment, food, and medicine;and engage in a wide range of dissident activities, such as strikes, demonstra-tions, petitions, sit-ins, teach-outs, terrorism, guerilla warfare, and insurgency.When resources are difficult to come by, however, then SMOs are more likelyto demobilize.

At that spot,the Seine was red. I'm sure. Even though the visibility waspoor and it was dark and rainy.

I never worked with the "blue caps."It seems those guys are the worst; they're fierce.

Meanwhile, thePalais des Sports was evacuated, and cleaned up for the RayCharles concert scheduled for October 20, 1961. The concerttook place

e'll know tomorrow.It will be in the papers. But I saw bodies around the fountain, the wounded, and lost children cryin

6 . . . Ifanyone had listened to me, there wouldn't be many moreFLN left. .. Yeah, we'll see. We could have won Indochina,and we lost. We're not going to lose Algeria . . ."

u know what I think? Louis's film is going to be a flop . . . Who wants to listen to the story aboutthat day, October 17,1961? Who? Neither the French nor theAlgerians, neither immigrants nor native-born nationals .

Everything was calm inParis. It was as if nothing had happened. They were announcing Ray Charles's concert scheduled for October 20 at the Palais des Sports, in Paris

Elie Kagan, went across Paris on his Vespa scooterto Nanterre where he knew Algerians had been killed. I sawvery few photos of that tragic day. On the whole, journalistsdidn't do their job

y goodness . . . I never heard about this. In any case, it's past history.You can't cry about it now .. . Hey, let me offer you whateveryou'd like. What would you like?

In 1961?" The café owner burstsout laughing: "Well. . . I was far, far away at that time, andI didn't think I'd have a bistro some day. We don't always dowant we want to in life, you know . . . Me, I believe in fate.I came to France, to Marseille. I had nothing. In 1962, youmust know, the Algerians chased us out. They sent us packing, taking everything, the villa, the business . . . we receivedcompensation in tiny doses.

I believe I put her indanger without thinking. I waited. No one spoke of a womandrowned in the Seine, disappeared . . . Not at that time. Perhaps there were some, I don't know

I witnessed scenes of violenceagainst Algerians. I will testify. It was raining. It was night

e reads red inkedletters:ON THIS SPOT ALGERIANS WERE SAVAGELY BEATENBY PREFECT PAPON'S POLICE ON OCTOBER 17 196 1

e camera zooms in on "forgotten," one letter in each littlesquare, p o w e r , in disarray, l a w , d e f e n d . "Place de la Concorderenovated, humanist, turn of the century . . ." says Louis'svoice.

I don'tknow Algeria. I'll never go there. My life is here.

It's the firsttime I saw or heard anything about October 17,1961. Louis'sfilm is the day my grandmother spoke about, 'when the timeis right.'

They get up and walk to the foot of the statue, a giantsized woman in a toga with the laurels of victory and the tablets of Republican law, the Rights of Man

I don't know if thedoctor believed me. I would like to have him testify, if someday . . .I was dressed up that day. I wore a tie and everything

urely,the Seine was red that day; at night you couldn't tell

Hittiste."

vilians.

Working with women of the shantytown, she hid politicaltracts in fabric, in wedding dresses; the women distributedthem. Women musicians would spread the news from wedding to wedding, from one celebration to another. I

Amel hears her mother's voice.

o. My father says we'll be going there soon. I have a map of Algeria in my room. I stick inred pins to mark the massacres . . ." "Why?" "To know aboutthem." "And what else do you learn from the pins

I came into the room, the bedroom,up until the day when . . . But I didn't understand it all thatday . . .

f we understand the Bush regime not as theerosion of U.S. democracy but as its fulfillment? If we understan

capacity inWestern law to simultaneously incorporate and eliminate, recogniseand except racialised and primitive difference was learned in settlerprojects of Indigenous elimination that established Western law onlands beyond ‘the West

heritage as subject racialised populations barred them from anydifference that could trouble settler rule.

women between 1876 and 1985 having had status rescinded,estimates range that from one to two million descendants of thesewomen are incapable of asserting legally-recognised Indigenousidentity in Canada, and remain removed from relationship with oreven awareness of their peoples or lands

omen who inherited status from their fathers found thatit was rescinded for them and their children if they married a personwithout status. This broadly-applied rule first facilitated marriages ofwhite men with Indigenous women, which absorbed their childrenthrough the patriline into the settler nation and its citizenship

there is not a single Indian inCanada that has not been absorbed into the body politic, and there isno Indian question’.

hile this procedure may appear topreserve life, in its definition of over six hundred ‘First Nations’whose members received ‘Indian status’ by state decree, the Act alsoseparated myriad communities of common nationality, radicallyreduced land bases (if any remained), and enabled the state todetermine the fact or erasure of their existence.

white settler societies that attempt toeliminate Indigenous nations by amalgamating Indigenous people aspotentially protected children whose racialisation leaves theirconsanguinity open to excision

Las Casas, by contrast, sought toprotect Indigenous people as subjects acceptable to God’s law, butonly to the extent that they conformed to the Church and sovereignas paternal educators, whom they must not resist lest in violating theterms of their protection they be returned to the ever-presentpossibility of death

perform indigeneity as a history they at once incorporate andtranscend, inhabit and defer.

Any seeming ‘preservation’ of Blackness in whitesettler societies thus was coterminous with the perpetual subjectionof Black peoples to spaces of death, while eliding the formation ofBlack communities precisely through mixture with Indigenous andEuropean peoples.

at thecolonial era never ended because settler colonialism remains thenaturalised activity projecting Western law and its exception alongglobal scales today. Theories of the biopolitical state, regimes ofglobal governance, and the war on terror will be insufficient unlessthey critically theorise settler colonialism as a historical and presentcondition and method of all such power

Salamanca quotes Israelipolitician Dov Wiesglass, who states ‘Israel’s policy would be “like anappointment with a dietician. The Palestinians will get a lot thinner, butwon’t die”’ (Salamanca, 2011, p. 30).

As a form of what Sari Hanafi terms ‘spacio-cide’, the terrain is dependent on the withdrawn colonizer’sinfrastructural support, which modulates calories, megawatts, water,telecommunication networks, and spectrum and bandwidth allocationto provide the bare minimum for survival but minimal enough toattempt to deplete or strip resistance

Omar Jabary Salamanca extensively details the Israeli government’sresignification of Gaza’s infrastructural networks as ‘terroristinfrastructures’, noting that this rationale is used to justify Israel’spolicy of what he calls ‘infrastructural violence’

The Israeli government’s disregardfor international human rights laws in Gaza and the West Bank, overtime, have led to the ‘large-scale destruction of the developing healthsystem, the inability of local and international healthcare providers toperform their duties, and a deterioration of the health conditions ofPalestinians’

as a ‘let live’ praxis, understoodin liberal terms as less violent than killing (and thus, less sensationaland more under the radar), shoot to cripple appears on the surface tobe a humanitarian approach to warfare.

Gaza being ‘under siege’, acommonly used refrain meant to obscure much of this detail; I haveresorted here to a somewhat polemical deployment of empiricalinformation in part to counter this tendency to obscure the specifics ofthe occupation.

violent, and seen as requiring more police action thannon-group-based protests about layoffs. In otherwords, both minority identity and minority issues areperceived as more violent and requiring more policing

Yet while in-group tiescan facilitate violent mobilization, nonviolent mobiliza-tion is more likely to be sustained and succeed throughmass, cross-cutting support, creating challenges foractivists seeking to address ethnic grievances

It further finds that emphasizing protester com-mitment to nonviolence has a positive influence onpublic perceptions, but this effect applies mostly tomajority groups. Taken together, these findings under-score how the mobilizing power of nonviolence variesconsiderably by group identity

Moreover,thcwere to be kept empty of people, except for perambulatory tourists (no religionceremonies or pilgrimages, so far as possible). Museumized this way, they weirepositioned as regalia for a secular colonial state.

In other cases, as in Burma, what was imagined wassecular decadence, such that contemporary natives were no longer capabletheir putative ancestors' achievements. Seen in this light, the reconstructed mouments, juxtaposed with the surrounding rural poverty, said to the natives: Oivery presence shows that you have always been, or have long become, incapabof either greatness or self-rule

Thereafter, with increasing speed, the grandeurs of the Borobudur. of Angkor, ofPagan, and of other ancient sites were successively disinterred, unjungled, mea-sured, photographed, reconstructed, fenced off, analysed, and displayed

But, especially after 1950, Dutch missionaries and Dutchofficials for the first time made serious efforts to "unify" them by taking cen-suses, expanding communications networks, establishing schools, and erectingsupra-"tribal" governmental structures. This effort was launched by a colonialstate which, as we noted earlier, was unique in that it had governed the Indies,not primarily via a European language, but through "administrative Malay.

In London's imperial maps, British colonies were usually pink-red.French purple-blue, Dutch yellow-brown, and so on. Dyed this way, each colonyappeared like a detachable piece of a jigsaw puzzle. As this "jigsaw" effectbecame normal, each "piece" could be wholly detached from its geographiccontext.

In the history I have described, this relationship was reversed.A map anticipated spatial reality, not vice versa. In other words, a map was a modelfor, rather than a model of, what it purported to represent.... It had become a realinstrument to concretize projections on the earth's surface. A map was now nec-essary for the new administrative mesbanisms and for the troops to back up theirclaims .... The discourse of mapping was the paradigm which both administrativeand military operations worked within and served

The task of,as it were, "filling in" the boxes was to be accomplished by explorers, surveyors,and military forces. In Southeast Asia, the second half of the nineteenth centurywas the golden age of military surveyors—colonial and, a little later, Thai. Theywere on the march to put space under the same surveillance which the census-makers were trying to impose on persons. Triangulation by triangulation, war bywar, treaty by treaty, the alignment of map and power proceeded.

Only in the 1870s did Thai leaders beginthinking of boundaries as segments of a continuous map-line corresponding tonothing visible on the ground, but demarcating an exclusive sovereignty wedgedbetween other sovereignties.

f the mutual incompre-hensibility of many of their spoken languages; and of the peculiar social andgeographic origins of their diaspora across coastal Southeast Asia, the Companyimagined, with its trans-oceanic eye, an endless series of Chinezen, as the con-quistadors had seen an endless series of hidalgos. And on the basis of this inven-tive census it began to insist that those under its control whom it categorized asChinezen dress, reside, marry, be buried, and bequeath property according to thatcensus

herefore it is hard for him to see that the"class structure" of the precolonial period is a "census" imagining created fromthe poops of Spanish galleons. Wherever they went, hidalgos and esclavos loomedup, who could only be aggregated as such, that is "structurally," by an incipientcolonial state

For the fact is that wherever in the islands the earliest clerics and con-quistadors ventured they espied, on shore, principales, hidalgos, pecheros, andesclavos (princes,noblemen, commoners and slaves)—quasi-estates adapted fromthe social classifications of late medieval Iberia. The documents they left behindoffer plenty of incidental evidence that the "hidalgos" were mostly unaware ofone another's existence in the huge, scattered, and sparsely populated archipelago,and, were aware, usually saw one another not as hidalgos, but as enemies orpotential slaves

is second conclusion is that, on the whole, the largeracial categories were retained and even concentrated after independence, but nowredesignated and reranked as "Malaysian," "Chinese," "Indian," and "Other."Yet anomalies continued up into the 1980s

uring thewar. the United States seemed through some of its lawsand social practices to embrace the same racism it wasfighting. Both fronts of the war exposed profound inconsis-tencies between U.S. naturalization law and broader so-cial ideals. These considerations. among others. led Con-gress to begin a process of piecemeal reform in the lawsgoverning citizenship

n 1935. Hit-ler's Germany limited citizenship to members of the Aryanrace. making Germany the only country other than theUnited States with a racial restriction on naturalization. 3

Mter 1870. Blacks as well as Whites couldnaturalize. but not others

Virginia in 1779. SouthCarolina in 1784. and Georgia in 1785.28 Though therewould be many subsequent changes in the requirementsfor federal naturalization. racial identity endured as a bed-rock requirement for the next 162 years. In every natural-ization act from 1790 until 1952, Congress included the"white person" prerequisite

All persons born in theUnited States ... of mothers who are citizens or legalresidents of the United States ... are citizens of theUnited States."

Thispattern was repeated in the 1950s, when Attorney GeneralHerbert Brownwell launched a program to expel Mexi-cans. This effort, dubbed "Operation Wetback," indiscrim-inately deported more than one million citizens and noncit-izens in 1954 alone

With the onset of theDepression, attention shifted to Mexican immigrants. Al-though no law explicitly targeted this group, federal immi-gration officials began a series of round-ups and massdeportations of people of Mexican descent under the gen-eral rubric of a "repatriation campaign

In 1917, Congresscreated "an Asiatic barred zone," excluding all personsfrom Asia. 4 During this same period, the Senate passed abill to exclude "all members of the Mrican or black race."This effort was defeated in the House only after intensivelobbying by the NAACP.s

The history of thisdiscrimination can briefly be traced. Nativist sentimentagainst Irish and German Catholics on the East Coast andagainst Chinese and Mexicans on the West Coast, whichhad been doused by the Civil War, reignited during theeconomic slump of the 1870s.

So-called positiveeugenic-efforts to increasereproductionamong the better groupswho alleg-edly carried the outstanding qualities of their group in their genes-andnegative eugenic-efforts to prevent the propagation by less desirablegroups-also have affectedU.S. public polic

AsQuadagnopoints out, the rightof unions to select their own memberswasseenas a "propertyright of the workingclass.This was a most compellingargumentfor nepotism-the tradition of passing on the craft from fathers to sons"(Quadagno 1994, 65).

or example, Whitewomen play a special role in keeping family bloodlines pure. Historically,creatingWhite familiesrequiredcontrollingWhite women'ssexuality,largelythroughsocial normsthat advocatedpre-maritalvirginity.By marryingWhitemen and engagingin sexualrelationsonly with their husbands,White womenensuredthe racial purity of White families.Thus, throughsocial taboos thateschewed pre-maritalsexuality and interracialmarriagefor White women,White familiescould thereby avoid racialdegeneratio

to itssignificancewithin familyas a privilegedexemplarof intersectionality.In theUnited States, the traditional family ideal's ideas about place, space, andterritorysuggest that families, racial groups,and nation-states requiretheirown uniqueplacesor "homes."Because"homes"providespacesof privacyandsecurity for families, races, and nation-states, they serve as sanctuariesforgroupmembers.Surroundedby individualswho seeminglysharesimilarobjec-tives, these homes representidealized,privatizedspaces where memberscanfeel at ease

.In general,whether itis familyas household, familyas a foundationfor conceptualizingrace, or thenational familydefined throughU.S. citizenship,familyrhetoricthat natural-izes hierarchy inside and outside the home obscures the force needed tomaintain these relationships

Maintainingracialsolidarityatall costs often requiresreplicatinghierarchiesof gender,social class, sexuality,and nation in Black civil society. Consider,for example, typical understand-ings of the phrase"Blackon Blackviolence." Stressingviolence among Blackmen permitspatternsof Black male violence targetedtowardBlackwomen-domestic abuse and sexual harassmentin the workplace-to remain hiddenand condoned. In the face of sexual harassment,especially at the hands ofBlackmen, African-Americanwomen are cautionednot to "airdirtylaundry"aboutinternalfamilyproblem

Within the frameof race as family,women of subordinatedracial groupsdefer to men of theirgroups,often to supportmen'sstrugglesin dealing with racism

For example,racialideologies that portraypeople of color as intellectuallyunderdeveloped,uncivilizedchildren requireparallelideas that constructWhites as intellectu-ally mature,civilized adults.When appliedto race, familyrhetoricthat deemsadultsmore developed than children, and thus entitled to greaterpower,usesnaturalizedideas about age and authorityto legitimateracialhierarch

,the allegedunity and solidar-ity attributed to family is often invoked to symbolize the aspirations ofoppressedgroups.For example, the conservativeright and Black nationalistsalike both rely on family languageto advance their political agenda

We need to understand theorganization of the social so as to make visible our collaboration with systematic racializedgender violence, so as to come to an inevitable recognition of it in our maps of reality

The following description of slave women and of slave work in the U.S.South makes clear that African slave females were not considered fragile or weak

hey wereunderstood as animals in the deep sense of "without gender," sexually marked as female, butwithout the characteristics of femininity. Women racialized as inferior were turned fromanimals into various modified versions of “women” as it fit the processes of Eurocenteredglobal capitalism

how narrow Quijano’s conception of genderis in terms of the organization of the economy, and the organization of collective authority,she also enables us to see that the production of knowledge is gendered, the very conceptionof reality at every level

The Women’s Councilwas politically and spiritually powerful (36-37). Cherokee women lost all these powers andrights, as the Cherokee were removed and patriarchal arrangements were introduced. TheIroquois shifted from a Mother-centered, Mother-right people organized politically underthe authority of the Matrons, to a patriarchal society when the Iroquois became a subjectpeople. The feat was accomplished with the collaboration of Handsome Lake and hisfollowers. (33)

he Cherokee in the early 1800s under theleadership of men such as Elias Boudinot, Major Ridge, and John Ross, and others,drafted a constitution that disenfranchised women and blacks. Modeled after theConstitution of the United States, whose favor they were attempting to curry, and inconjunction with Christian sympathizers to the Cherokee cause, the new Cherokeeconstitution relegated women to the position of chattel. (37

f Indian females is thoroughly tied to thedomination and transformation of tribal life. The destruction of the gynocracies is crucial tothe “decimation of populations through starvation, disease, and disruption of all social,spiritual, and economic structures...” (42) T

Replacing this gynecratic spiritual plurality with one supreme male being asChristianity did, was crucial in subduing the tribes. Allen proposes that transforming Indiantribes from egalitarian and gynecratic to hierarchical and patriarchal “requires meeting fourobjective

. Women are defined inrelation to men, the norm. Women are those who do not have a penis; those who do nothave power; those who cannot participate in the public arena. (34) None of this was true ofYoruba anafemales prior to colonization

The cosmetic and substantivecorrections to biology make very clear that “gender” is antecedent to the “biological” traitsand gives them meaning. The naturalizing of sexual differences is another product of themodern use of science that Quijano points out in the case of “race.

sexual dimorphism

ere the counterpart of the continueddisintegration of the parent-children units in the “non-white” “races”, which couldbe held and distributed as property not just as merchandise but as “animals.”

black” women in Africa,

Crenshaw and other women of color feminists have argued that the categories havebeen understood as homogenous and as picking out the dominant in the group as the norm,thus “women” picks out white bourgeois women, “men” picks out white bourgeois men,“black” picks out black heterosexual men, and so on.

The move to intersect thecategories has been motivated by the difficulties in making visible those who are dominatedand victimized in terms of both categories.

The cognitive needs of capitalism include“measurement, quantification, externalization (or objectification) of what is knowable withrespect to the knower so as to control the relations among people and nature and amongthem with respect to it, in particular the property in means of production.” This way ofknowing was imposed on the whole of the capitalist world as the only valid rationality and asemblematic of modernit

In characterizing modernity, Quijanofocuses on the production of a way of knowing, labeled rational, arising from within thissubjective universe since the XVII century in the main hegemonic centers of this world systemof power (Holland and England). This way of knowing is Eurocentered .By “Eurocentrism”Quijano understands the cognitive perspective not of Europeans only, but of theEurocentered world, of those educated under the hegemony of world capitalism.“Eurocentrism naturalizes the experience of people within this model of power.

n constituting this social classification, coloniality permeates all aspects of socialexistence and gives rise to new social and geocultural identities. (Quijano, 2000b, 342)“America” and “Europe” are among the new geocultural identities. “European,” “Indian,”“African” are among the “racial” identities. This classification is "the deepest and mostenduring expression of colonial domination." (Quijano, 2001-2, p. 1) With the expansion ofEuropean colonialism, the classification was imposed on the population of the planet.

But that has not seemed sufficient to arouse in those menwho have themselves been targets of violent domination and exploitation, any recognition oftheir complicity or collaboration with the violent domination of women of color.

Recall Harper and Trudeau advertising the futureof Canada through pipelines and energy infrastructures while minimizing the threats to Indig-enous sovereignty and the environment required to complete these state-building projects.The effects are dramatic abandonments and exclusions from the social benefits promised bymodernity’s infrastructures in order to secure resource extraction. As Tess Lea and Paul Phole-ros (2010) point out in the settler state of Australia, outward appearance of infrastructure canbe deceiving. In their discussion of state provision of housing for Aboriginal people in Australia,they document the systematic disrepair, incompleteness, and poor design of Aboriginal hous-ing. Houses provided for Aboriginal families may look like houses, but they are not. Their pipeslead to nowhere and are constructed with cheap and crumbling materials. These “not-houses”draw attention to the way in which infrastructure can, through its pull to the literal, mask thematerial conditions lurking just underneath the surface

ere, Larkin’s note that infrastructures “literally provid[e] the undergirding ofmodern societies” (2013: 328) raises a crucial question. If those modern societies have settled,colonized, and attempted to eliminate existing Indigenous nations and political orders, does theword infrastructure itself denote an apparatus of domination?

nstead, resistance to invasive infrastructures requiresstanding in place, in our territories, and insisting on our prior and continuing relationships tothe lands, kin, and other-than-human relations that those infrastructures threaten.

nfrastructure is by definition future oriented; it is assembled in the service of worlds to come.Infrastructure demands a focus on what underpins and enables formations of power and thematerial organization of everyday life in time and space.

il and gas extraction, in par-ticular, creates spaces of unchecked white masculinity in which incidents of violent abduction,abuse, and rape of Indigenous women and girls have skyrocketed (Gibson et al. 2017; Jensen2017; WEA and NYSHN 2016)

then transportation infrastructures are themselves settler colonial technologiesof invasion

olonial dispossession travels through infrastructures, asthey are used to extend settlements’ reach into Indigenous territories that remain unceded,unsurrendered to the Canadian state, or protected under treaty agreements with Indigenousnations. The settler state is built through a network of infrastructures, which must be normal-ized and maintained to assert settler jurisdiction toward nation-building projects

Trudeau gave the keynote speech to ameeting of oil and gas executives in Houston, Texas, noting, “No country would find 173 billionbarrels of oil in the ground and just leave them there” (Berke 2017). His speech was met witha standing ovation. The naturalization of oil and gas extraction and the securitization of pipe-lines as “critical infrastructures” serve to link industry profits to national security, criminalizingIndigenous dissent and recasting destructive infrastructure projects as natural outgrowths ofthe settler state.

hile the veneer of coop-eration and negotiation has thickened under Trudeau, the underlying approach to the oil andgas industry has remained consistent with past governments. In the Speech from the Thronepresented by Stephen Harper’s government in 2013, the Government of Canada highlightedthe role of resource extraction in Canada’s future: “Canada’s energy reserves are vast—sufficientto fuel our growing economy and supply international customers for generations to come. . .

ut ending with the facile suggestion that reconciliation can bepracticed by Canadians reading more books by Indigenous authors: “I invite you to join the#IndigenousReads campaign to help raise awareness and understanding through shared cultureand stories and encourage steps toward reconciliation with Indigenous peoples” (PMO 2016).

“No relationship is more important to our government and to Canadathan the one with Indigenous peoples. Today, we reaffirm our government’s commitment to arenewed nation-to-nation relationship between Canada and Indigenous peoples, one based onthe recognition of rights, respect, trust, co-operation, and partnership” (PMO 2016). Despitethese statements of “recognition,” Indigenous peoples remain in a deeply subordinated rela-tionship to Canada, and political claims to land and self-governance are repeatedly squashed infavor of cultural exchange

An unmarked binary operates throughout the report: privatized oil and gas technol-ogies and pipelines are “critical infrastructures” in need of increased securitization and protec-tion, while protection of Indigenous lands and ecologies is extremist ideology

Because thediscourse of critical infrastructure is tightly linked to one of “national security,” as well as “eco-nomic well-being,” there is discursive and legal space open for an understanding of oil and gaspipelines as critical infrastructure because of the economic reliance of both the United Statesand Canada on revenue from fossil fuels. Threats to pipeline projects, then, can be cast as threatsto national (economic) security, and these definitions of critical infrastructure make it possibleto place resistance to fossil fuels in the same category as domestic terrorism.

nfrastructure, then, attempts but fails to capture the agentive and social network throughwhich Indigenous life is produced.1 These assemblages exist whether or not they are framed orcaptured by anthropological theory

ycontrasting these two meanings under one term, she brings attention to the underlying drivingforce of industrial infrastructure, exposing the lie that these projects are creative/productive andinstead insisting that they are regressive/destructive and embedded in a capitalist system thatis fundamentally at odds with the cycles and systems that make Indigenous survival possible

n Unist’ot’en territory in northern British Columbia, Canada, clan members of the Wet’suwet’enpeople have built a permanent encampment in the pathway of numerous potential and pro-posed pipelines. In response to the characterization of these pipeline projects as “critical infra-structure,” the camp’s spokesperson, Freda Huson, notes that the pipelines were proposed torun through the clan’s best berry patches. By resisting pipeline construction, she explains, “whatwe’re doing here is protecting our critical infrastructure.

harp’s analysis of nonviolent struggle could be notably uninching.He recognized that if the target of a campaign is a tyrannical regime, re-pression can be severe. “ere must be no illusions,” he wrote. “In somecases nonviolent people have not only been beaten and cruelly treatedbut killed . . . in deliberate massacres.” Nor did Sharp promise success:“e simple choice of nonviolent action as the technique of struggle,”he explained, “does not and cannot guarantee victory, especially on ashort-term basis

The Navajo Nation, still grappling withenvironmental and human health disasters from its fi rst three decades ofexperience with the uranium industry, responded by passing the DinéNatural Resources Protection Act (DNRPA) in 2005, which placed a mora-torium on new mines in Navajo country. Companies seeking permits tomine in the uranium-rich eastern borderlands of the reservation have de-nied that the land in question can be considered “Indian Country” despitebeing overwhelmingly populated by Navajos and being formally repre-sented in the Navajo Nation government.

Expensivewater pipelines have yet to be built to serve the estimated 30 percent ofDiné people who live near and use unregulated water sources, many ofwhich are contaminated with uranium or arsenic.17 Homes have been builtout of debris from mines, including chunks of rock blasted into neatlysquared- off blocks, often at the encouragement of mine operators. These“hot homes” were occupied by multiple generations of families before some-one thought to test them for radiation. 1

Belgian Congo and Canad

Before the 1880s it was virtuallyempty except for Indians

The resources the authors consider are, among other things,income and education. These are “discretionary” resources (McCarthy and Zald1977: 1224). The hypothesis thus reads: “More affluent and better-educated indi-viduals are, in general, more likely to form groups.” Thus, in order to form groupsresources must be available to those individuals who are willing to engage in activ-ities against drunk driving. In other words, only if the same individuals who have astrong interest in doing something against drunk driving also dispose of “discre-tionary” resources, then groups are formed.

Participantsin popular disturbances and activists in opposition organizations will be recruitedprimarily from previously active and relatively well-integrated individuals withinthe collectivity, whereas socially isolated, atomized, and uprooted individuals willbe underrepresented, at least until the movement has become substantial

order for a SMO to thrive it is not only important to recruit supporters withmoney but also with discretionary time. According to hypothesis 11, if SMOs con-sist of many workers with discretionary time at their disposal, it is likely that tran-sitory teams develop.

nstead, “grievances anddiscontent may be defined, created and manipulated by issue entrepreneurs andorganizations” (1215)

It is what Indians, blacks, and Mexicanshave in common and where their differences lie which shouldbe carefully studied

The black needs time to develop his roots, to create his sacredplaces, to understand the mystery of himself and his history, tounderstand his own purpos

legal equality and cultural conformity were identical.We refused to participate in the Washington March. In ourhearts and minds we could not believe that blacks wanted to bethe same as whites

The white man must learn to stop viewing historyas a plot against himself

gold medals for the United States every four years while equalityremains as distant as it ever was?

There was never a time when the white man saidhe was trying to help the Indian get into the mainstream ofAmerican life that he did not also demand that the Indian giveup land, water, minerals, timber, and other resources whichwould enrich the white men

Yet the white man demanded thatthe black conform to white standards and insisted that the Indian don feathers and beads periodically to perform for him

Indians were thereforesubjected to the most intense pressure to become white. Lawspassed by Congress had but one goal-the Anglo-Saxonizationof the Indian. The antelope had to become a white ma

They have not wanted toshow their ignorance about Indians. Instead, they prefer to placeall people with darker skin in the same category of basic goals,then develop their programs to fit these preconceived ideas

Consequently they have suffered from the attitudes of peoplewho have only a superficial knowledge of minority groups andhave attached a certain stigma to them

Indians as goodguys who have too much dignity to demonstrate, hoping to keepthe Indian people separate from the ongoing Civil Rights movement.

Indians were classified aswhite by laws passed to exclude blacks.

By defining the problem as one of race and makingrace refer solely to black, Indians were systematically excludedfrom consideration.

o those opposing the movement, Civil Rights has been a foreignconspiracy which has threatened the fabric of our society

become forerunners of destruction

The Udall Omnibus Bill was basically to continue"man's rise to civilization" by systematic confiscation of existingcapital owned by those-to-be-civilized, through the device of illadvised mortgages.

Under these assumptions the European Jewsshould be the most civilized people on earth from their graduatecourse in gas ovens given by Eichmann

And although he has repeatedly promised the Pyramid LakePaiute tribe water for the lake. In many people's minds the bestway to eradicate a species is to authorize Udall to conserve it. Inhis own inimitable style he will accomplish the task posthaste

A couple of years ago Roger Jourdain, chairman of the RedLake Chippewa tribe of Minnesota, casually had the anthropologists escorted from his reservation. This was the tip of the iceberg breaking through into visibilty. If only more Indians hadthe insight of Jourdain. Why should we continue to be the private zoos for anthropologists? Why should tribes have to compete with scholars for funds when the scholarly productions areso useless and irrelevant to real life?

dians must be redefined in terms that white men willaccept, even if that means re-Indianizing them according to awhite man's idea of what they were like in the past and shouldlogically become in the futur

oday the summers are taken up with one great orgy of dancing and celebrating as each small community of Indians sponsorsa weekend pow-wow for the people in the surrounding commuaities. Gone are the little gardens which used to provide freshvegetables in the summer and canned goods in the winter. Goneare the chickens which provided eggs and Sunday dinner. In thewinter the situation becomes critical for families who spent thesummer dancing. While the poverty programs have done muchto counteract the situation, few Indians recognize that the condition was artificial from start to finish. The people were innocentlyled astray and even the anthropologists did not realize what hadhappened

Nomatter how many worlds Indians straddle, the Plains Indianshave an inadequate land base that continues to shrink becauseof land sales. Straddling worlds is irrelevant to straddling smallpieces of land and trying to earn a living

For the young Indians, it was an authoritativedefinition of their role as Indians. Real Indians, they began tothink, drank and their task was to become real Indians for onlyin that way could they re-create the glories of the past.So they DRANK.I lost some good friends who DRAN K too much

Apaches could not care less about theanthropological dilemmas that worry other tribes. Instead theycontinue to work on the massive plans for development whichthey themselves have created. Tribal identity is assumed, not defined, by the reservation people. Freedom to choose from a widevariety of paths of progress is a characteristic of the Apaches;they don't worry about what type of Indianism is "real." Aboveall, they cannot be ego-fed by abstract theories and hence unwittingly manipulated

The massive volume of useless knowledge produced byanthropologists attempting to capture real Indians in a networkof theories has contributed substantially to the invisibility ofIndian people today.

Behind each successful man stands a woman and behind eachpolicy and program with which Indians are plagued, if tracedcompletely back to its origin, stands the anthropologist

Civil rights are, by defi nition, fundamentally aboutequality under the law: equal protection, equal access, and equal oppor-tunity.” 7 Methodologically, then, sovereignty serves as the means to ren-der indigenous peoples visible within and against the discourses ofracial inclusion and the adjudication of liberal multiculturalism.

rom Robert Warrior’s field- defi ning articulation of intel-lectual sovereignty as a means to resituate academic knowledge produc-tion by and for indigenous communities

“The ultimate expres-sion of sovereignty resides, to a large degree,” Achille Mbembe writes,“in the power and the capacity to dictate who may live and who mustdie