He never makes a mark because he ALREADY KNOWS what he is going to find. He need not recordanything except his daily expenses for the audit, for the anthrofound his answer in the books he read the winter before. No, theanthropologist is only out on the reservations to VERIFY whathe has suspected all along-Indians are a very quaint people whobear watching

Thus go the anthropological wars, testing whether this schoolor that school can endure longest. And the battlefields, unfortunately, are the lives of Indian people.

uring the winter these observations will become books by which future anthropologists will be trained, sothat they can come out to reservations years from now and verifythe observations they have studied

estitution

it wasonly a short time before American imperialistic impulses drovethis country into the Spanish-American War and the acquisitionof America's Pacific island empire began. The tendency to continue imperialistic trends remained constant between the twoworld wars as this nation was involved in numerous banana warsin Central and South America.

Until America begins to build a moral record in her dealingswith the Indian people she should not try to fool the rest of theworld about her intentions on other continents. America has always been a militantly imperialistic world power eagerly grasping for economic control over weaker nations.

When a tribe tries to get itsrights defined it is politely shunted aside. Some tribes have goneto the Supreme Court to seek relief against the United States hyclaiming a violation of their rights as wards. They have beentold in return that they are not wards but "dependent domesticnations." And when other tribes have sought relief claiming thatthey are dependent domestic nations, they have been told theyare "wards of the government.

Implicit in the ideology behind thelaw was the idea of the basic sameness of humanity. Just leavingtribal society was, to the originators of the law, comparable toachieving an equal status with whites.

although the treaties read that the United Stateswould never disturb the tribes on the land they had reserved tothemselves, Congress determined that it had the right to makeIndians conform to their idea of civilization and outlined thegreat legislative attempt to make them into farmers

Close examination of subsequent Congressional dealings showsa record of continued fraud covered over by pious statementsof concern for their wards

he United States against Great Britain were to be marched tothe dusty plains of Oklahoma, dropped in an alien and diseaseridden land, and left to disappear

Meanwhile the general public has sat back, shed tears overthe treatment of Indians a century ago, and bemoaned the plightof the Indian

ndians havereserved the right to hunt and fish off the reservation becausethere was not sufficient game on the reservations to feed theirfamilies. In the meantime, powerful sportsmen's clubs of overweight urbanites who go into the woods to shoot at each othereach fall, have sought to override Indian rights, claiming conservation as their motive

but a breach of common decencywhen Congress decided that it had absolute power over theonce-powerful tribes. When the Supreme Court also decided thatsuch should be the policy in Lone Wolf v. Hitchcock, the silentconquest of unsuspecting tribes was complete.

And all this destruction in thename of help. It is too much to bear.

all over the Delawares were forgotten in the rush to steal theirland

Likethe Great White Father, the Pharoah turned his back on hisformer allies and began official oppression and destruction ofrights. Yet the Hebrews survived.America's four-hundred-year period is nearly up. Many Indianssee the necessity of a tribal regrouping comparable to theHebrew revival of old.

Yet submissionbecame merely the first step from freedom to classification asincompetents whose every move had to be approved by government bureaucrats

America has yet to keep one Indian treaty or agreement despite the fact that the United States government signedover four hundred such treaties and agreements with Indiantribes. It would take Russia another century to make and breakas many treaties as the United States has already violated

Nor do we need to be classified as semi-white andhave programs and policies made to bleach us furthe

everal tribes filed against the localaffiliates of ABC and did receive some air time to present theIndian side of the Custer story during the brief run of the show

Adolph Eichmann

Indians may have to starve so that whites can havea good time on the weekends if present trends continue

Without the benefit of the white man'svaunted education, these four Apache groups have developedtheir reservations with amazing skill and foresight.

The NCAI is important to the Indian people only when itprovides a forum in which issues can be discussed. Occasionallyit has come to be dominated by a few tribes and then it hasrapidly gone downhill.

Begun by Rupert Costo, aCauhilla man, the society has become the publishers of thefinest contemporary material on Indians. Excellent research andwide knowledge of Indian people makes it an influential voicein Indian Affair

he NIYC is the SNCC of Indian Affairs. Organized in 1962,it has been active among the post-college group just enteringIndian Affairs. Although NIYC has a short history, it has beenable to achieve recognition as a force to be reckoned with innational Indian Affairs

Rarely do tribes overlap across state boundaries. While thereare fifteen Sioux tribes, the United Sioux is an organization ofonly South Dakota tribes. Sioux groups in North Dakota,N ebraska, or Minnesota are not invited

And if the private organizations were kicked out of a reservation,where would they work? What would they claim as their accomplishments at fund-raising time?

The entire outlook of thepeople was one of simplicity and mystery, not scientific or abstract. The western hemisphere produced wisdom, westernEurope produced knowledge.

Whenever Indian land was needed, the whites pictured the tribes as wasteful people who refused to develop theirnatural resources. Because the Indians did not "use" their lands,argued many land promoters, the lands should be taken awayand given to people who knew what to do with them

People were horrified that Indians continued todress in their traditional garb. Since whites did not wear buckskin and beads, they equated such dress with savagery

For one hundred years everyprogram of public and private white America was devoted tothe exclusion of the black. It was, perhaps, embarrassing to berubbing shoulders with one who had not so long before beendefined as a field anima

Early Civil Rights bills nebulouslystate that other people shall have the same rights as "whitepeople," indicating there were "other people." But Civil Rightsbills passed during and after the Civil War systematically excluded Indian people

Scalping,introduced prior to the French and Indian War by the English,Oronfirmed the <;u<;pit:'ion th�t Tn(H�ns WP.TP. wild animals

Like the deer and the antelope, Indians seemed to play rather"'1-.. ........ ,..,.. .. ,.1"u"..... ...._ .hn. �n".;"1'IC' h,..";,.,O<,,<,, ",,f 'r'\;linn ,,'" t,.AgC:"l1rpc;::UJ..::I,.LJ. 5'"'''' UV"V.I..1. "'v uJ. ..... ..;t'-''&'..LV�� 1J1o.£�..L"''''''''''oJoJ '-'..L 1:" ................ 6 '0.£.1' ...... "' ......................' ....upon the earth where thieves break through and steal.

nyone and everyone whoknows an Indian or who is interested, immediately and thoroughly understands them.

ll it takes is atrip through Arizona or New Mexico, watching a documentaryon TV, having known one in the service, or having read apopular book on them

That would have given us a population made up in ameasure of shiftless half-breeds.

Ionce did a projection backward and discovered that evidentlymost tribes were entirely female for the first three hundred yearsof white occupation. No one, it seemed, wanted to claim a maleIndian as a forebear

the mythical Indians of stereotype-landwho were always THERE

o tell truth from fiction OJ fact from mythology. Experts paintus as they would like us to be. Often we paint ourselves as wewish we were or as we might have been

Everyone who works has the rightto just and favourableremuneration insuring for himself and his familyanexistence worthyof human dignity,

veryone has the righttotake partin the Governmentofhiscountry, directlyor through freely chosen representativ

veryone has the right to a nationality

Everyoneis entitledtoallthe rights and freedomssetforthin this Declaration , without distinctionof any kind , suchasrace ,colour , sex , language, religion, politicalorother opinion, nationalorsocial origin, property, birthorother s

isregard and contempt for human right

Governments

is, however ,a challengetoallmankindto promote world-widerespect for human rights and fundamental freedoms.

Eight countries abstained — the U.S. S. R. , the Ukraine , Byelorussia , Poland , Czechoslovakia , Yugoslavia , Saudi Arabia , and the Union of SouthAfrica

e religious fanaticism of the ignorant masses and the anti-foreign sentiments

feeling of inferiority? No, a feeling of not existing. Sinis black as virtue is white. All those white men, fingeringtheir guns, can't be wrong. I am gUilty. I don't know whatof: but I know I'm a wretch

I did a complete checkup ofmy sickness. I wanted to be typically black-that was outof the question. I wanted to be white-that was a joke.And when I tried to claim my negritude intellectually asa concept, they snatched it away from me.

You are so authentic in your life, so playful. Letus forget for a few moments our formal, polite civilization and bend down over those heads, those adorableexpressive faces. In a sense, you reconcile usourselves

onuments in the very heart of Africa? Schools? Hospitals? Not a single bourgeois in the twentieth century, noDurand, no Smith or Brown even suspects that such thingsexisted in Africa before the Europeans came .

Since then, Frobenius, Westermann, andDelafosse, all white men, have voiced their agreement:Segu, Djenne, cities with over 100,000 inhabitants; accounts oflearned black men (doctors of theology who traveled to Mecca to discuss the Koran). Once this had beendug up, displayed, and exposed to the elements, it allowedme to regain a valid historic category

es, we niggers are backward, naive, and free.

s-a "bitter brotherhood"grabs us alike

But those who know all the nooks and crannies of the country of sufferingThose whose voyages have been uprootingsThose who have become flexible to kneelingwere domesticated and christianizedwere inoculated with bastardizatio

uch is rhythm primordial in itspurity; such it is in the masterpieces of Negro art, especiallysculpture

pseudopodia

"May the truly French values live on and the race will besafeguarded! At the present time we need a national union.No more internal strife! A united front against the foreigners [and turning to me] whoever they may be.

t's in the name of tradition, the long, historical past andthe blood ties with Pascal and Descartes, that the Jews aretold: you will never belong here

At the start of my history that others have fabricated forme, the pedestal of cannibalism was given pride of placeso that I wouldn't forget. They inscribed on my chromosomes certain genes of various thickness representing cannibalism.

Until we have a more definite knowledge of the effect ofrace-crossings we shall certainly do best to avoid crossingsbetween widely different races

I knew for instance that if the physicianmade one false move, it was over for him and for allthose who came after him. What, in fact, could one expect from a Negro physician? As long as everything wasgoing smoothly, he was praised to the heavens; but watchout-there was no room whatsoever for any mistake. Theblack physician will never know how close he is to beingdiscredited.

When theylike me, they tell me my color has nothing to do with it.When they hate me, they add that it's not because of mycolor

I slip into comers; Ikeep silent; all I want is to be anonymous, to be forgotten.Look, rn agree to everything, on condition I go unnoticed

I am a slave not tothe "idea" others have of me, but to my appearance

is acts and behavior are the determining factor. He is awhite man, and apart from some debatable features, hecan pass undetected

p above the sky is tearing at its navel; the earth crunches under my feet and singswhite, white. All this whiteness bums me to a cinder

In the United States, Blacks are segregated. In SouthAmerica, they are whipped in the streets and black strikers are gunned down. In West Africa, the black man is abeast of burden. And just beside me there is this studentcolleague of mine from Algeria who tells me, "As long asthe Arab is treated like a man, like one of us, there will beno viable answer."

. What did thismean to me? Peeling, stripping my skin, causing a hemorrhage that left congealed black blood all over my body. Yetthis reconsideration of myself, this thematization, was notmy idea. I wanted quite simply to be a man among men. Iwould have liked to enter our world young and sleek, aworld we could build togethe

I cast an objective gaze over myself, discovered my blackness, my ethnic features; deafened by cannibalism, backwardness, fetishism, raci

a bon Banania

Jaspers

"Maman, look, a Negro; I'm scared!"

the Other, the white man, who had woven me out of athousand details, anecdotes, and stories.

For not only must theblack man be black; he must be black in relation to thewhite ma

weltanschauung

, and the Other fixes mewith his gaze, his gestures and attitude, the same way youfix a preparation with a dye.

be smaller and selected out of protests they believed would belarger

Analogously, one would expect that individuals who attenda protest specifically to signal their type to their antiauthoritar-ian friends might select out of attendance after updating theirbeliefs about total protest size upward

he concern of the Chinese gov-ernment implies the potential for high participation costs: thepossibility of arrest and forceful police crackdowns using batonsand tear gas—which have already occurred—and the potential

Recent encroachments on HongKong citizens’ civil liberties, including the arrest of Hong Kongbooksellers by the mainland Chinese government, have deepenedsome citizens’ fear of the CCP and their sense of a Hong Kongidentity very much distinct from—even opposed to—that of main-land China. The result is that Hong Kong citizens and politicalparties are now much more loudly calling for independence or self-determination.

Althoughthe movement did not alter the policy proposed by Beijing, it didsend a clear signal to the Hong Kong legislature (the “LegCo”)that a circumscribed chang

Consistent with this mechanism, we find that individ-uals who participate in the protests after learning that protestswill be smaller than expected have ideologically more extremefriends than other protest participants.

as a sig-nificant, positive effect on beliefs about actual participation in theprotest, and a significant negative effect on subjects’ own turnout

ex pos

Enikolopov, Makarin, and Petrova (2016) presentevidence that the diffusion of an online social network increasedprotest turnout in Russia; Gonz ́alez (2016) provides evidence thatpeer participation in Chilean student protests increased one’sown; and Manacorda and Tesei (2016) provide evidence that mo-bile phones’ diffusion increased protest turnout in Africa.

natives are typicallyrepresented as unsettled, nomadic, rootless, etc., in settler-colonial discourse. Inaddition to its objective economic centrality to the project, agriculture, with itslife-sustaining connectedness to land, is a potent symbol of settler-colonial iden-tity.

The tide of history canonizes the fait accompli, harnessing the diplomaticniceties of the law of nations to the maverick rapine of the squatters’ possewithin a cohesive project that implicates individual and nation-state, official andunofficial alike

On the one hand, settler society required the prac-tical elimination of the natives in order to establish itself on their territory. On thesymbolic level, however, settler society subsequently sought to recuperate indi-geneity in order to express its difference—and, accordingly, its independence—from the mother country.

“As a member of a pioneering youth move-ment, I myself ‘made the desert bloom’ by uprooting the ancient olive trees ofal-Bassa to clear the ground for a banana grove, as required by the ‘plannedfarming’ principles of my kibbutz, Rosh Haniqra

As Deborah Bird Rose has pointed out, to get in the way of settlercolonization, all the native has to do is stay at home

n this way, the restrictive racial classification of Indians straightforwardly furth-ered the logic of elimination

And consequently, when thecolonist speaks of the colonized he uses zoological terms. Allusion is made to the slithery movements of the yellow race, theodors from the "native" quarters, to the hordes, the stink, theswarming, the seething, and the gesticulations

this compartmentalization we shall at least bring tolight some of its key aspects. By penetrating its geographicalconfiguration and classification we shall be able to delineate thebackbone on which the decolonized society is reorganized

The "thing" colonized becomes a manthrough the very process of liberation.

Attendance at a BLM protest strongly predicts at-tendance at a Reopening protes

We find that protest participants are a diverse set of individuals who are representative of the U.S.population—even more so than are voters on some demographic dimensions.

efugees and not politi cal rights for “illegal immigrants” serves today? Doesthis “filling out” of French history do other kinds of political work?

What is more, so conceived these are construed as finished acts that canbe relegated to the passé composé.

of state racism, “normal” colonial operations, and colo-nial presence today.

Featurestories on colonial war atrocities may be “safe” because they have the per-verse efect of suggesting that there are always bad seeds among the virtu-ous majority and that such individuated truths are redemptive

deed, confessionalsaround French Algeria may be “safe” because they redeem those willing tospeak and the memory of what long remained dismissed and unheard, ifnot unspoken. Shocked moral outrage may suggest the innocence of thosewho were duped, ignorant, and not to blame.

rdered the massacre of peaceful Algerian NationalFront (fln) demonstrators, for which he was never indicted

“history is a foreign country”—not a genealogy of what per-meates the social fabric of France

, “Couldn’t we argue that system-atic forgetting is a form of structured violence?”9

forgetting is not a passive condition

Denunciationsof racism did not translate into better public ser vices in the banlieues or intobetter treatment by the police of French youth who “looked” North African

against a stream of attacks on his“biased,” “anti-French,” “anti-national” portrayal of the massacres in Setif,summary executions, and repression carried out by French forces and theforeign legion—some ten thousand Algerians and “one hundred three”Europeans were killed (note the precision of the second number)—is in-dicative of what remains a touchstone of widely disparate political divisionsin contemporary France

In the mid-1980sand 1990s, métissage, a term long associated with colonial contempt for thosewho were “mixed,” became a way to talk about the public embrace and prom-ise of a multicultural France while turning away from the structures of racialinequalities

But while the re-pentant mode of memoirs, autobiographies, and national self-flagellationover Vichy silences and collaborations have been staples of postwar Frenchsociety, critical personal reflections (as opposed to what are now nationalauto-critiques) of participation in France’s “overseas” ventures have no

When Balandier writes about being “present to”History with a capital H, modified with the preposition à, he conveys a senseof personal accountability before History and the ongoing psychic expendi-ture and loss that such self-reflection requires

story is not an easy presence, that it is a costly ef-fort, that it comes with costly disillusionment and disenchantmentbut it demands to be continued and to be done

postcolonial studies in France

BothBourdieu and Derrida divorced their sharp critiques of scholastic knowledgeand its conceptual armor from the racial milieus of French empire that theyknew intimately and on the ground

. Aphasia

Historiography hasbeen only one branch of a broader field of French academic and popularculture, whose favored concepts and concerns have carefully excised Alge-ria, as well as France’s other colonies, protectorates, and possessions, fromthe national purview not once, but again and again

In contrast to Camus, Mersault’s vic-tim is no longer a non-person shorn of even a shadow, but “Musa,” endowedwith a family who mourn him; a village of origin, Bab-el- Oued, where hegrew up; a lover, Meriem; friendships—in short a life, a body, and a name.

They are histories that can be disabled and dead-ened to reflective life, shorn of the capacity to make connections. Not least,they raise unsettling questions about what it means to know and not knowsomething simulta neously, about what is implicit because it goes withoutsaying, or because it cannot be thought, or because it can be thought and isknown but cannot be said.

hotographic and video images of law enforcement officers exchanging hā(breath), nose-to-nose and forehead-to-forehead with protectors circulatedvirally through social media channels, underscoring the ways that evenwhen settler colonial relations pit Kanaka against Kanaka, we recognize oneanother

So many supporters donated food dur-ing the months-long stand on the mauna that the Aloha Checkpoint also unin-tentionally became a sort of “soup kitchen.” At least one Kanaka relayed that hewould pick up houseless people in Hilo and drive them up to the mauna so thathungry folks could eat while also learning about the struggle (Kalaniākea Wil-son, pers. comm., April 12, 2016).

This was not a possessive, jurisdictionalline. The checkpoint served as a porous boundary that was only intended toblock construction vehicles. Furthermore, protectors used the checkpoint as aplace to invite opponents and unknowing visitors to talk story.

talk story.

using the settler state’sown laws to challenge the construction of a large complex of buildings onlands that the state itself has zoned for conservation

There were three levels at which protectors challengedthe settler state’s legitimacy over the permitting of the TMT construction: inIndigenous terms, in national terms and in settler state term

Restoration of ancestral knowledges continues to be animportant part of enacting alternatives to settler colonial, capitalist enclo-sures.

ess that blind us to the inextricable connections between human andplanetary health

I was struck by how much we can influence howour actions are represented to the Canadian public when theyare deliberate, planned actions rather than reactions to settlergovernments or industry. It was extraordinarily difficult for themainstream media to misrepresent this action as an overly ag-gressive and angry action that threatened the safety of Canadi-ans and Canada when the images on their cameras were of fam-ilies laughing and celebrating together.

a set of toolsthe state uses to avoid structural changes and accountability byfocusing on individual trauma rather than collective, communi-ty, or nation-based loses, by truncating historical injustices fromthe current structure and the ongoing functioning of settler co-lonialism, by avoiding discussions about substantive changes in-volving land and dispossession in favor of superficial status quoones, and by turning to “lifestyle choices” and victim blamingto further position the state as benevolent and caring.

Theyhave done this for decades without support, acknowledgment,or empathy from Canadians and oftentimes without supportfrom mainstream male-dominated Indigenous political organi-zations. I worry, though, that Indigenous grief can be managed,exploited, and used by the state to placate Indigenous resis-tance.

t does, however, matter in a profound way what my immediatefamily and community think of me. It does, however, matter ina profound way that other communities of radical resistance seein me someone who has their backs because I have consistentlyacted in that manner. It does matter that the metaphorical pinesin my territory exist for my children and for their children.

ecause it feeds into Canada’s international narra-tive of themselves as being a champion of human rights and thebenevolent empathic state that cares about the oppressed

the free-dom realized through flight and refusal is the freedom to imag-ine and create an elsewhere in the here; a present future beyondthe imaginative and territorial bounds of colonialism.

This co-lonial refusal should be met with Indigenous refusal—refusalto struggle simply for better or more inclusion and recognitionwithin the academic industrial complex

It sets bothIndigenous Knowledge holders and Indigenous learners up ina never-ending battle for recognition within that system, whenthe academy’s primary intention is to use Indigenous peoplesand our knowledge systems to legitimize settler colonial author-ity within education used as a training ground for those whowould legitimize settler colonial authority over Indigenous peo-ples and our nations in Canadian society.

The problem with this approach then and now is that itreinforces colonial authority over Nishnaabeg intelligence bykeeping it reified and fetishized within a settler colonial ap-proach to education designed only to propel settler colonial-ism.

here were many stories of our peoplebeing caught and going to court in Peterborough to begiven fines for fishing out of season. Imagine the indigni-ty on our people when they came in front of the Canadi-an courts for being Michi Saagiig Nishnaabeg in ourown territory!

his time with wolf as acompanion. At this point, we should all recognize pretty clearlythat the learning changes when the relational context changes.

any Indigenous person withmotivation to learn to think inside the land should be interact-ing with their own elders and experts in their own homelandsinstead of reading me.

The academy doesnot and cannot provide the proper context for Nishnaabeg in-telligence without fully funding the regeneration of Indigenousthinkers as a matter of restitution for the damage it has causedand continues to cause the Indigenous Knowledge systemthrough centuries of outright attack.3

think it’simportant to point out that Nanabush does not teach at a univer-sity, nor is Nanabush a teacher within the state school system.Nanabush also doesn’t read academic papers or write for aca-demic journals

We cannotjust think, write, or imagine our way to a decolonized future.Answers to how to rebuild and how to resurge are therefore de-rived from a web of consensual relationships that is infused withmovement (kinetic) through lived experience and embodimen

If we do not create a generation of people attached tothe land and committed to living out our culturally inherentways of coming to know, we risk losing what it means to beNishnaabeg within our own thought systems.

Meaning, then, is derived not through content or data or eventheory in a Western context, which by nature is decontextual-ized knowledge, but through a compassionate web of interde-pendent relationships that are different and valuable because ofdifference.

earning journey that is lifelong

What if they were too depressed or anxiety ridden from be-ing erased from Canadian society, removed from their languageand homeland, and targeted as a “squaw” or a “drunken Indian.

physically disrupting settler colonial com-modification and ownership of the land through the implicitassumption that they are supposed to be there.

ndtheir very presence simultaneously shatters the disappearanceof Indigenous women and girls and Two Spirit and queer peo-ple from settler consciousness.

Binoojiinh then takes their elders to the tree,already trusting that they will be believed, that their knowledgeand discovery will be cherished, and that they will be heard

My expe-rience of education from kindergarten to graduate school wasone of coping with someone else’s agenda, curriculum, and ped-agogy, someone who was not interested in my well-being as agirl, my connection to my homeland, my language or history, ormy Nishnaabeg intelligence.

ll thanks to Binoojiinh and their lovely discovery,and to Ajidamoo and her precious teachingand to Ninaatigoog and their boundless sharing

Ziigwan

is story has beenpublished by various authors over the years.1 I have told differ-ent versions over the years. Nearly every time I tell it, I under-stand new meanings and make new connections

Thus we appeal with boldness and confidence to the Great Powers of thecivilised world, trusting in the wide spirit of humanity, and the deep sense ofjustice of our age, for a generous recognition of the righteousness of our cause

t is critical that this generation inspires and creates the nextgeneration of Indigenous peoples that can think and live insideof their own intelligence systems more deeply than my gener-ation. I worry we’re not doing that

Resistance to capitalism isn’t futile, it’s the way out

l participate in all the processessettler colonialism sets up for us to have a voice in this, exceptthe processes are set up to reinforce settler colonialism, not dis-rupt it.

These settler colonial processes—treaty making, pol-icy making, consultation, impact assessments, and the courtsystem— provide them with the ethical justification to clear-cuta particular trapline, removing another Nishnaabeg family fromthe land and effectively destroying their grounded normativity,destroying remnants of an Nishnaabeg economy, plant and an-imal habitat, medicines, ceremonial grounds, burial grounds,hunting places, libraries of knowledge, and networks of rela-tionships, because it is in the best interest of Canadians to doso.

We didn’tjust control our means of production, we lived embedded in anetwork of humans and nonhumans that were made up of onlyproducers.

This is incorrect. We certainly hadthe technology and the wisdom to develop this kind of econo-my, or rather we had the ethics and knowledge within groundednormativity to not develop this system, because to do so wouldhave violated our fundamental values and ethics regarding howwe relate to each other and the natural world. We chose not to,repeatedly, over our history.

Actually,extracting is stealing—it is taking without consent,without thought, care or even knowledge of the impactsthat extraction has on the other living things in thatenvironment. That’s always been a part of colonialismand conquest. Colonialism has always extracted theindigenous—extraction of indigenous knowledge, indig-enous women, indigenous peoples.

I thinkthat the impetus to act and to change and to transform,for me, exists whether or not this is the end of the world.If a river is threatened, it’s the end of the world for thosefish. It’s been the end of the world for somebody allalong. And I think the sadness and the trauma of that isreason enough for me to act.

Idle No More

We have thousands and thousandsof years of experience building and living in societies outside ofglobal capitalism. We have hundreds of years of direct experi-ence with the absolute destruction of capitalism. We have seenits apocalyptic devastation on our lands and plant and animalrelations.

. I think it is important that we continue the work of ourAncestors and our elders in critiquing and analyzing capitalism,how it drives dispossession, and its impacts on us from our ownperspectives.

Ididn’t feel qualified to speak back to capitalism as an Indigenouswoman. Once I recognized that bit of cognitive imperialism inmyself, it became just the thing I knew I had to speak back to.And so I’ve changed my mind

She had read the book, really readthe book. I wished I had reread it, so I could remember what Ihad written. I was afraid she thought that I might be smarterthan I was in real life

his does not have to be true though. Louverture, Delgrès, Nardal, and Djebar have had far more of a positive influence on French culture than Jefferson.

In a song titled, “Still Sane,” the New Zealand singer known as Lorde opines, “Only bad people get to see their likeness set in stone.”

Article 2 of the Declaration of Rights of Man declared as “natural and imprescriptible,” “liberty, property, security, and resistance to oppression.” But, as in most countries with a history of slavery and colonialism, popular French movements also have a deep and long-held tradition of suppressing the voices and eliding the rights of people of color.

Because he founded the University of Virginia, the monument to him in my city of Charlottesville, is one we must live with. The question is how? Perhaps, UVA might think about placing a statue of Hemings beside that of Jefferson.

While the names of enslavers and traffickers whose plaques line the streets of French cities like Nantes and Brest were brought forth as appropriate candidates for removal

Sunday, June 7, 2020

n ecology of intimacy

share about what nationhood means to usfrom within our own political practices

It is visible to me when we refuse to replicate trans-phobia and anti-Blackness in our territories. It is our Ancestorsworking to ensure we exist as Indigenous peoples, as they havealways done

tial schools, day schools, sanatoriums, child welfare, and nowan education system that refuses to acknowledge our culture,our knowledge, our histories, and experience.

The last eels and salmon navigated our waters about a hundredyears ago. We no longer have old-growth white pine forests inour territory

hen Champlain visits us and refers to the freedom our chil-dren have within our society, and our nonpunitive, attachment-based parenting, it’s his white male way of acknowledging thatfreedom and authentic power. 7 His sword did not pierce thehearts of the Michi Saagiig Nishnaabeg. We are still here

Authoritar-ian power—aggressive power that comes from coercion andhierarchy— wasn’t a part of the fabric of Michi Saagiig Nish-naabeg philosophy or governance, and so it wasn’t a part of ourfamilies

Nogojiwanong (the place at the end of the rapids, or Peterbor-ough)

I began to start myown talks with a narrative of what our land used to look like as aquick glimpse, albeit a generalized one, of what was lost—not asa mourning of loss but as a way of living in an Nishnaabeg pres-ent that collapses both the past and the future and as a way ofpositioning myself in relation to my Ancestors and my relations

I see an abili-ty to point out and name colonialism, resist and even mobilizeto change it. They know more about what it means to be Nish-naabeg in their first decades than I did in my third. This intimateresurgence in my family makes me happy.

the French “explorer” Champlain’ssword

the students themselves are transformed the most, especially when they accept a set of beliefs about how the world is likeliest to change — through a politics of marginal legal reform by insiders to the system. That is, if the world can change at all.

road-based networks have formed to link disparate sites of USmilitary control and ensure that closed bases are not simply relocated toanother place. Many of these efforts, including the International Women’sNetwork against Militarism, emphasize a gendered analysis of the impactof US militarization, including the increased prevalence of sexual assaultin and around the bases and the impact the military economy has onwomen who labor in low-wage positions

in 1989to bring employment and revenue to the tribe and the reservation, wheremore than 40 percent of the households lived (and continue to live) belowthe federal poverty line.

o the Colored American Soldier.’ It is with-out honor that you are spilling your costly blood. Your masters havethrown you into the most iniquitous fight with double purpose—to makeyou the instrument of their ambition and also your hard work will soonmake the extinction of your race. Your friends, the Filipinos, give you thisgood warning. You must consider your history, and take charge that theBlood of Sam Hose proclaims vengeance.”39 The reference to Hose, whowas brutally tortured and lynched in Georgia in 1899, was part of a largereffort of propaganda targeting Black soldiers that underscored the wave ofracial violence gripping the US South at the time and offering commis-sions to soldiers willing to defect from the US Army

dead Indian is the best Indian.’ They willemploy the same methods in dealing with the Filipinos.”31

“Operation IraqiFreedom” would rain tens of thousands of missiles and bombs on Baghdad.More than 600,000 Iraqis died in the next five years in this peculiarlyAmerican brand of liberation through ordnance and death

een framed as a vehicle of civilization and freedom

Indeed, from the nation’s founding in 1776 to 2019, therehave only been 21 years when the US has not been involved in a militaryconflict.

Cullors joined otherorganizers from groups including Black Youth Project 100, Hands UpUnited, and Dream Defenders, for a 10-day trip to Israel and the occupiedPalestinian Territories. The trip followed a visit by a delegation ofPalestinian organizers to Ferguson, to learn from and engage with organ-izers in the St. Louis suburb

White House, White Castle, Ford Rouge, the Mississippi Delta, theplains of Wyoming, the mines of Bolivia, the rubber plantation of Indonesia,the oil fields of Biafra, or the Chrysler Plant in South Africa

hite racist and bigoted foreman, harassing, insult-ing, driving and snapping the whip over the backs of the thousands ofblack workers who have to work in these plants in order to eke out anexistence.

how those most exposed to the violenceof capitalism are best positioned to understand, and radically transform,the relations of power around labor and the material conditions of life inthe United States.

. Corporationslike Amazon, Citibank, Nike, and Goldman Sachs, whose everyday activi-ties reap huge sums for their investors and executives and accelerate globalinequality, announce their support for Black Lives Matter and new diver-sity hiring plans. 27 In this way, collective movements that demand theend of state violence and economic predation become transfigured intodiversity initiatives for the elite