work developing “studio habits of mind” describes learning in success-ful visual arts classrooms as evidence of 21st-century skills and activities thatconstitute evidence of success in formal education.

So what is literacy and what is art? In some sense, this questionis answered by the way the learning environment defines its work with youngpeople. The organizations with which I worked defined themselves as arts orga-nizations and conceptualized their processes in terms of helping young peopleto become artists. My research focuses on the work these organizations do withyoung people, and so my analysis is structured in terms of teaching and learningartistic production

d on digital story produc-tion, focuses on the “folders of work” that young people produce as they createdigital stories and describe how authorial decisions are made over time and how

ybrid settings for producing digital art researchers have begun tooutline what and how youth participants learn. Soep (2006) described “episodesof critique” as evidence of learning as young people produce digital videos anddocumented the ability to give and receive critique as an outcome of partic-ipation.

hedevaluing of artistic production proves particularly problematic for young peoplewho struggle with mainstream academics but flourish when engaged in artisticproduction tasks (e.g., Catterall, 2006; diSessa, 2004; Heath, 1993), especially inthe context of out-of-school settings (Calabrese Barton & Tan, 2010; McLaughlin,Irby, & Langman, 1994; Soep, 2006; Wiley & Feiner, 2001; Worthman, 2002)

It assumes that individuals are active agents in their own development but do notact in settings entirely of their own choosing

‘genetic method’, understood broadly to includehistorical, ontogenetic, and microgenetic levels of analysis

they use more advanced digital software and tools than at school

citizenship in the 21st century

ork to family spillover is captured by the statements: ‘becauseof my work responsibilities I have missed out on home/family activities that Iwould have liked to have taken part in’ and ‘because of my work responsibili-ties my home/family time is less enjoyable and more pressured’. Family to workspillover is captured by the statements: ‘because of my home/family responsi-bilities I have to turn down work or opportunities I would prefer to take on’and ‘because of my home/family responsibilities the time I spend working is lessenjoyable and more pressured’.

The greatest importance is attached to infor-mation about the timing of the arrival at home (81%) and arranging to meetwith other family members (82%). Among parents, ‘arranging to deliver goodsor children’ and ‘finding out where children are’ is rated as important by 63 percent and 58 per cent respectively.

n order to measure the extent of people’s dependence on the mobile phone,we asked respondents: ‘How much would you miss your mobile phone if it dis-appeared today?’ Respondents were asked to choose between ‘I wouldn’t miss itat all because my daily life could proceed as normal’; ‘I would miss it sometimes’;‘I would miss it often enough that my daily life could not proceed as normal’; ‘Iwould miss it often’; ‘I would miss it an extreme amount’. Fewer than 10 per centof the sample answered that they would be unaffected and their lives ‘would pro-ceed as normal’ if they were suddenly without their mobile phone. In contrast,half the respondents indicated that their daily lives could not ‘proceed as normal’if they were without their mobile. O

questionnaire, a phone log and a time-diary.

How important is themobile phone for coordinating personal life? Furthermore, under what circum-stances do users attempt to control contact via the device? Taken together, thisinformation allows us to address the question of whether mobile phones helpor hinder individual efforts to manage work and family.

Do people still place the same value on having a spatially andtemporally delineated private sphere? Is it still a precondition for leisure, inti-macy and a self-created, personal life?

colonization

Rather, families are actively constructed through the day-to-day activitiesof their members, including in places of paid work. Hence the current emphasison connectedness and relationality in the sociology of the family.

However, Green (2002) argues that mobile technologies affordnovel opportunities for deepening strong ties and making place irrelevant.Rather than fragmenting relationships, she argues that time spent using com-municational devices makes relationships durable and continuing.

affordances of different media forsupporting collaboration and links the differences to how the 2 environments differ-ently evaluated its participants as individuals and as members of a group.

people worked and learned, together and apart.

understanding of how computer useshapes and is shaped by the organization of work