27 Matching Annotations
  1. Nov 2019
  2. Jul 2019
    1. radio cars reached the scene

      Radio cars traveling the streets extended the police presence over wider areas of Harlem, beyond the buildings that could be guarded as this one was. But radio cars took time to reach outbreaks of disorder, so did not prevent attacks on people and property. Officers who arrived at outbreaks of violence after they started could have difficulty establishing who was responsible, as appears to have happened when officers shot Lloyd Hobbs and arrested Paul Boyett.

    2. mob

      This is an example of how the NYJ sensationalized attacks on whites during the disorder. Most newspapers described groups in terms of how many people were involved, and avoided terms like gang and mob that imposed a character on the group.

    3. emptied his gun

      The story does not make clear the target of Clement's shots. Police insisted that they fired in the air not at crowds for at least the early part of the riot. The report seems to be implying that Clements fired his first two shots in the air. But when he "emptied his gun" he seems to be firing at the crowd, indiscriminate shots that the narrative justifies as a response to the escalating violence of the crowd. The reporter shows no interest in who might have been hit by those shots.

    4. revolver

      In passing the story juxtaposes the armed policeman - with both a nightstick and a revolver - with the unarmed crowd, who turn to objects available on the street.

    5. bent on murder

      This is a further example of how the NYJ sensationalized attacks on whites during the riot by assuming that groups of blacks sought to kill whites. While there is clear evidence that groups of blacks attacked whites, there is little evidence that most carried weapons. They beat their targets or hit them with objects; they do not appear to have being trying to kill them

    6. gang

      This is an example of how the NYJ sensationalized attacks on whites during the disorder. Most newspapers described groups in terms of how many people were involved, and avoided terms like gang and mob that imposed a character on the group.

    7. “Kill him!”

      This is an example of how the NYJ sensationalized attacks on whites during the disorder. Only white newspapers report crowds calling for whites to be killed

    8. probable death

      This is an example of how the NYJ sensationalized attacks on whites during the disorder. While there is clear evidence that groups of blacks attacked whites, there is little evidence that most carried weapons. They beat their targets or hit them with objects; they do not appear to have being trying to kill them

    9. guard duty at the James Butler Store

      This is an example of the approach police took to responding to the disorder: they stationed officers to guard property

    1. clearly

      This was likely an all-white jury deciding a case of interracial violence, and so would have likely have been inclined to convict Boyett.

    2. around ten

      Most reports of this incident put the size of the group as between 9 and 12. The legal record, the official if not necessarily the most reliable account, put it at Boyett and "about nine others." The larger numbers come from journalists whose accounts sought to emphasize the scale of the violence against whites.

    1. A photographer captured an image of a uniformed officer helping a bleeding Roge from the scene

      Only the New York Journal captioned the photo with this information, but it appears to have been their photographer who took the image – and none of the other captions in the Daily Mirror identify the photo’s subject: “one of many white persons injured in the mad Harlem riot”

    2. The annotations on this page highlight the fragmentary nature of the sources, the gaps and inconsistencies that exist

    3. At the sentencing hearing, the judge, perhaps influenced by the probation department report, expressed belief that Hughes had thrown the rock at the store window, not Roge, so sentenced him to term of only three months in workhouse.

      This section of the memo in the DA file includes typed over text, so it’s meaning is not entirely clear.

    4. quickly convicted

      According to the New York Times story; this detail is not in the ANP story. Note: most papers did not report trials that occurred several weeks after the disorder.

    5. erratic path

      This is described in a memo in the DA file. A New York Post story does report their appearance in the Magistrates court, but none of the reports of the sentencing or trial mention these details.

    6. He told the Probation officer

      This claim does not appear in any other sources.

    7. drinking

      Only in notes in the DA file.

    8. According to Hughes

      These details are only found on the Preliminary Investigation form in the Probation investigation, and are handwritten in pencil that makes them difficult to decipher. The information was not included in the Investigation Report.

    9. Gill claimed

      These details are only in the notes in the DA file, which are handwritten in pencil and not complete sentences, so not entirely legible.

  3. Jun 2019
    1. What is your nigger wife's th name? Do you belong to the same 4 Penn. Cavalry that has been so badly whipped on more than one occasion? Yes there is no doubt of it because you like the rest of your cavalry friends ran too

      Fred Anderson, records the first section of this writing, but not this later part - which may ave faded from view?

  4. May 2019
  5. Mar 2019
    1. spread

      It’s crucial to note that the map is not a complete picture of the riot or even of the evidence I have of specific events that took place that night. It includes at most 1/3 of the 300 or more properties damaged during the riot. Of the 280 events I identified, 179 are on the map (64%). I found reports of 132 men and women arrested during the riot, but the location of only 43% of those arrests. A greater proportion of the 79 individuals assaulted, killed or seriously injured, 72%, appear on the map. See Mapping the disorder

    2. waves of activity

      The map from which this narrative is derived has limits as evidence of the riot’s chronology. Only 40% (69/173) of the events on the map appear on the timeline; for the majority there is no information on when they took place. That is particularly the case for stores with broken windows; only 4 of 49 appear in the timeline. Nonetheless, the map does confirm the pattern reported in other sources. See Mapping the disorder

    3. pattern

      While the aerial view offered by a map reveals the spread of the riot, “gazing down from a great height makes it hard to see chaos and confusion,” as Vincent Brown notes in regard to his map of the slave revolt in Jamaica. In the case of the disorder, what we can’t see are the crowds that filled the streets for much of the night, and often literally surrounded the events that appear on the map. A point on the map generally represents a moment when groups emerged from the crowds to attack individuals, buildings or vehicles. However, crowds were present on the streets for more than the moments captured on the map.