For the truth isthat there are many very good reasons for giving up meat.

his ability to enter complex, many-sided conversations has taken on aspecial urgency in today’s polarized red state / blue state America,

ltimately, this book invites you to become a criticalthinker who can enter the types of conversations described eloquently by thephilosopher Kenneth Burke in the following widely cited passage.

“They say that kids suing fast-foodcompanies for making them fat is a joke; but J say such lawsuits arejustified.”

but only suggest a way offormatting how you Say it.

In sum, then, while it is not plagiarism to recycleconventionally used formulas, it is a serious academic offense to take thesubstantive content from others’ texts without citing the authors and givingthem proper credit.

Again, none of us is born knowing these moves, especially when itcomes to academic writing—hence the need for this book.

in which you summarize and then answer a likelyobjection to your own central claim

Even the most sympathetic audiences, after all, tend to feel manipulatedby arguments that scapegoat and caricature the other side.

ou need to play it safeand avoid controversy in your writing, making statements that nobody canpossibly disagree with. Though this view of writing may appear logical, it isactually a recipe for flat, lifeless writing and for writing that fails to answerwhat we call the “so what?” and “who cares?” questions.

many writers use the “they say / Isay” format to challenge standard ways of thinking and thus to stir upcontroversy.

represent some wider group withwhich readers might identify

In a waywe're both right

ho uses her own daughter’scomment to represent the patriotic national fervor after the terrorist attacksof September 11, 2001.

Clearly, King would not have written his famous letter were it not for hiscritics,

Letter from Birmingham Jail,

heanswers these questions, helping us see his point that the film presentscomplex characters rather than simple sexist stereotypes.

he answer is that if you don’t identify the “they say” you’re respondingto, your own argument probably won’t have a point.

To make an impact as a writer, then, you need to do more than makestatements that are logical, well supported, and consistent. You must alsofind a way of entering into conversation with the views of others, withsomething “they say.”

summarizing their views in a way thatthey will recognize, and responding with our own ideas in kind.

critical thinking and writing go deeper than any setof linguistic formulas,

Less experiencedwriters, by contrast, are often unfamiliar with these basic moves and unsurehow to make them in their own writing.

templates that you can use right away to structureand even generate your own writing.

Often without consciously realizing it,accomplished writers routinely rely on a stock of established moves that arecrucial for communicating sophisticated ideas.

I rode to Nashville in the Jim Crow car

Doc Burke saved a murder anda lynching that day

Josie was dead, and the gray-haired mother said simply, “We’ve had a heap of trouble sinceyou’ve been away.” I had feared for Jim

lexandria was “town,”—astraggling, lazy village of houses, churches, and shops, and an aristocracy of Toms, Dicks, andCaptains

On Friday nights I often went home with some of the children,—sometimes to Doc Burke’sfarm.

He was a great, loud, thin Black, ever working, and trying to buy the seventy-five acres ofhill and dale where he lived; but people said that he would surely fail, and the “white folks wouldget it all.”

white teachers inthe morning, Negroes at night

I was a Fisk student then, and allFisk men thought that Tennessee—beyond the Veil—was theirs alone,

“We hold these truthsto be self-evident: That all men are created equal; that they are endowedby their Creator with certain unalienable rights; that among these arelife, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.”EBSCOhost - printed on 8/6/2021 2:28 PM via UNIVERSITY OF LYNCHBURG. All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

not rightly value the privilege and duty of voting

Negro must strive and strive mightily to help him-self

he has spoken against lynching, and in otherways has openly or silently set his influence against sinister schemesand unfortunate happenings.

Negroes mustinsist continually, in season and out of season, that voting is necessaryto modern manhood, that color discrimination is barbarism, and thatblack boys need education as well as white boys

Theydo not expect that the free right to vote, to enjoy civic rights, and to beeducated, will come in a moment

1. The right to vote.2. Civic equality.3. The education of youth according to ability.

He advocates common-school and industrial training, anddepreciates institutions of higher learning; but neither theNegro common-schools, nor Tuskegee itself, could remainopen a day were it not for teachers trained in Negro col-leges, or trained by their graduates.

First, political power,Second, insistence on civil rights,Third, higher education of Negro youth,—

But Booker T.Washington arose as essentially the leader not of one race but of two,—acompromiser between the South, the North, and the Negro.

Self-assertion,especially in political lines, was the main programme, and behindDouglass came Elliot, Bruce, and Langston, and the ReconstructionEBSCOhost - printed on 8/6/2021 2:28 PM via UNIVERSITY OF LYNCHBURG. All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

By 1830 slaveryseemed hopelessly fastened on the South, and the slaves thoroughlycowed into submission

Nat Turner

Stern financial and social stress after the war cooled much of theprevious humanitarian ardor

The influenceof all of these attitudes at various times can be traced in the history of theAmerican Negro, and in the evolution of his successive leaders.

If the best of the AmericanNegroes receive by outer pressurea leader whom they had not recog-nized before, manifestly there is herea certain palpable gain.

there is among educated and thoughtful colored men in allparts of the land a feeling of deep regret, sorrow, and apprehension atthe wide currency and ascendancy which some of Mr. Washington’stheories have gained

that the picture of a lone black boyporing over a French grammar amid the weeds and dirt of a neglectedhome soon seemed to him the acme of absurdities

Mr. Washington first indissolubly linked these things; he put enthusiasm,unlimited energy, and perfect faith into his programme, and changed itfrom a by-path into a veritable Way of Life

The South interpreted it in different ways: theradicals received it as a complete surrender of the demand for civil andpolitical equality; the conservatives, as a generously conceived workingbasis for mutual understanding.

In all things purely social we can be as separate as the five fin-gers, and yet one as the hand in all things essential to mutual progress

the nation was a little ashamed of havingbestowed so much sentiment on Negroes, and was concentrating its en-ergies on Dollars.

Additionally, those tracts which have a higherpercentage of their population employed are less likely to have a higher density of indus-trial facilities located in their tract

but these highly segregatedcounties tend to have facilities located disproportionately in census tracts with moreAfrican Americans and Hispanics.

Overall, they found that the share of pollu-tion experienced by ethnic or racial minority groups typically exceeds the share ofemployment a facility provides to those groups

Thus, fence-line communities are exposed to the environmental harms of industrial facilities butreap little or none of the economic benefits

they foundhouseholds located nearer to a facility were significantly poorer 10 and 20 years aftera facility moved in.

aha and Mohai (2005) found areas within one mile of a

Bullard et al. (2007) demonstrated that populationswithin 3 kms of polluting facilities have 1.5 times higher poverty rates and 15% lowermean annual household incomes than communities without facilities.

residents living in more racially segre-gated metro areas have higher health risks from air toxics than those in less segregatedmetro areas.

In the South,where the nation’s nonmetropolitan African American population isprimarily located, the out-migration of nonpoor African Americans inthe late 1980s to the metropolitan South, coupled with reduced out-migration of poor African Americans to the North, appears to havereinforced existing African American poverty concentrations in the ruralSouth (Fuguitt and Fulton 2001).

Rather, residential relocation among householdscharacterized by persistent economic insecurity tends to occur acrosspoor places and is largely motivated by mobility pushes to (re)securehousing after unexpected social or economic shocks, rather than bymobility pulls toward economic opportunity.

Because these opportunitiesare typically concentrated in other poor counties, the poor tend to movedisproportionately to these places instead of moving toward economicopportunities in nonpoor places (as neoclassical theories wouldpredict), or remaining largely immobile (as human capital theorieswould predict)

Yet the poor disproportionatelymoved to other poor places rather than places of economic growth, aspredicted by neoclassical theory.

Coupled with the strong out-migration rates of the nonpoor from the poorest counties, these migra-tion patterns served to cumulatively reinforce existing concentrations ofpoverty

poverty concentrations are largelyexplained away as temporary phenomena created by a lag in the naturaladjustment of migration flows to higher wages elsewhere

Thus, the human capitalperspective assumes that migration may deepen poverty concentrationsbecause the poor are more likely to remain immobile in poor placeswhile the nonpoor are more likely to move away

Because many areasof concentrated poverty found in nonmetropolitan areas are composedof high percentages of African Americans or Latinos, we also investigatehow the migration flows of both minority groups affect the spatial dis-tribution of race- and ethnic-specific poverty.

Spatial concentrations of poverty were not eliminated as a resultof these trends, but declines in various poverty populations reducedoverall the number of poor living in extremely poor counties (Jargowsky2003; Lichter and Johnson 2007)

And just the same with theprofessional class which the race needs and must have, Iwould say give the men and women of that class, too, thetraining which will best t them to perform in the mostsuccessful manner the service which the race demands.

Without industrial development there can be nowealth; without wealth there can be no leisure; withoutleisure no opportunity for thoughtful reection and thecultivation of the higher arts.”

being worked and working–to learnthat being worked meant degradation, while workingmeans civilization;

Our pathway must be up through the soil, up throughswamps, up through forests, up through the streams, therocks, through commerce, education, and religion

“We must incorporate into our public school systema larger recognition of the practical and industrialelements in educational training. Ours is anagricultural population. The school must be broughtmore closely to the soil. The teaching of history, forexample, is all very well, but nobody can really knowanything of history unless he has been taught to seethings grow–has so seen things not only with theoutward eye, but with the eyes of his intelligenceand conscience. The actual things of the present aremore important, however, than the institutions ofthe past. Even to young children can be shown thesimpler conditions and processes of growth–howcorn is put into the ground–how cotton andpotatoes should be planted–how to choose the soilbest adapted to a particular plant, how to improvethat soil, how to care for the plant while it grows,how to get the most value out of it, how to use theelements of waste for the fertilization of othercrops; how, through the alternation of crops, theland may be made to increase the annual value ofits products–these things, upon their elementaryside are absolutely vital to the worth and success ofhundreds of thousands of these people of theNegro race, and yet our whole educational systemhas practically ignored them.* * * * * *“Such work will mean not only an education inagriculture, but an education through agricultureand education, through natural symbols andpractical forms, which will educate as deeply, asbroadly and as truly as any other system which theworld has known. Such changes will bring far largerresults than the mere improvement of our Negroes.They will give us an agricultural class, a class oftenants or small land owners, trained not awayfrom the soil, but in relation to the soil and inintelligent dependence upon its resources

The Negro in the South worksand works hard; but too often his ignorance and lack ofskill causes him to do his work in the most costly andshiftless manner, and this keeps him near the bottom ofthe ladder in the economic world

who will prove by actual resultstheir value to the community, I cannot but believe, I say,that this will constitute a solution to many of the presentpolitical and social diculties

In fact, public sentiment among the students at Tuskegeeis now so strong for industrial training that it wouldhardly permit a student to remain on the grounds whowas unwilling to labor

We began teaching wheelwrighting and blacksmithing ina small way to the men, and laundry work, cooking andsewing and housekeeping to the young women. Thefourteen hundred and over young men and women whoattended the school during the last school year receivedinstruction — in addition to academic and religioustraining — in thirty–three trades and industrie

Without industrial development there can be nowealth; without wealth there can be no leisure; withoutleisure no opportunity for thoughtful reection and thecultivation of the higher arts.”

It is discouraging to nd agirl who can tell you the geographical location of anycountry on the globe and who does not know where toplace the dishes upon a common dinner table. It isdiscouraging to nd a woman who knows much abouttheoretical chemistry, and who cannot properly wash andiron a shirt

as a slave theNegro was worked, and that as a freeman he must learnto work.

s a generation began to pass,those who had been trained as mechanics in slaverybegan to disappear by death, and gradually it began to berealized that there were few to take their places. Therewere young men educated in foreign tongues, but few incarpentry or in mechanical or architectural drawing.

The industriesthat gave the South its power, prominence and wealthprior to the Civil War were mainly the raising of cotton,sugar cane, rice and tobacco.

For two hundred and fty years, I believe the way for theredemption of the Negro was being prepared throughindustrial development. Through all those years theSouthern white man did business with the Negro in a waythat no one else has done business with him. In mostcases if a Southern white man wanted a house built heconsulted a Negro mechanic about the plan and aboutthe actual building of the structure. If he wanted a suit ofclothes made he went to a Negro tailor, and for shoes hewent to a shoemaker of the same race. In a certain wayevery slave plantation in the South was an industrialschool. On these plantations young colored men andwomen were constantly being trained not only as farmersbut as carpenters, blacksmiths, wheelwrights, brickmasons, engineers, cooks, laundresses, sewing womenand housekeepers

If, in too many cases, the Negro race begandevelopment at the wrong end, it was largely becauseneither white nor black properly understood the case.Nor is it any wonder that this was so, for never before inthe history of the world had just such a problem beenpresented as that of the two races at the coming offreedom in this countr

proper cultivation and ownership of the soil.

Our pathway must be up through the soil, up throughswamps, up through forests, up through the streams, therocks, through commerce, education, and religion.

as a slave theNegro was worked, and that as a freeman he must learnto work.

but an education through agricultureand education, through natural symbols andpractical forms, which will educate as deeply, asbroadly and as truly as any other system which theworld has known. Such changes will bring far largerresults than the mere improvement of our Negroes.

Think, though,how frequently it is the case that from the rst day that apupil begins to go to school his books teach him muchabout the cities of the world and city life, and almostnothing about the country. How natural it is, then, thatwhen he has the ordering of his life he wants to live it inthe city.

Out of it in the future will grow practicaleducation, professional education, positions of publicresponsibility. Out of it will grow moral and religiousstrength. Out of it will grow wealth from which alone cancome leisure and the opportunity for the enjoyment ofliterature and the ne arts.

On these plantations young colored men andwomen were constantly being trained not only as farmersbut as carpenters, blacksmiths, wheelwrights, brickmasons, engineers, cooks, laundresses, sewing womenand housekeepers.

never before inthe history of the world had just such a problem beenpresented as that of the two races at the coming offreedom in this country.

It has been necessary for the Negro to learn thedierence between being worked and working–to learnthat being worked meant degradation, while workingmeans civilization;

This training was crude, and was given for selshpurposes.

Nor is it any wonder that this was so, for never before inthe history of the world had just such a problem beenpresented as that of the two races at the coming offreedom in this country.

It has been necessary for the Negro to learn thedierence between being worked and working–to learnthat being worked meant degradation, while workingmeans civilization; that all forms of labor are honorable,and all forms of idleness disgraceful.

for never before inthe history of the world had just such a problem beenpresented as that of the two races at the coming offreedom in this country

It has been necessary for the Negro to learn thedierence between being worked and working–to learnthat being worked meant degradation, while workingmeans civilization

Washington, yet the prevailing public opinion of the land has been buttoo willing to deliver the solution of a wearisome problem into his hands,and say, “If that is all you and your race ask, take it.”

And yet, by the irony of fate, nothing has more effectually made thisprogramme seem hopeless than the recent course of the United Statestoward weaker and darker peoples in the West Indies, Hawaii, andthe Philippines,—for where in the world may we go and be safe fromlying and brute force?

His doctrine has tended to make the whites,North and South, shift the burden of the Negro problem to the Negro’sshoulders and stand aside as critical and rather pessimistic spectators;when in fact the burden belongs to the nation, and the hands of none ofus are clean if we bend not our energies to righting these great wrongs.

It would be unjust to Mr. Washington not to acknowledge that inseveral instances he has opposed movements in the South which wereunjust to the Negro

Wehave no right to sit silently by while the inevitable seeds are sown for aharvest of disaster to our children, black and white.

prejudices of years disappear at the blast of a trumpet; but they are ab-solutely certain that the way for a people to gain their reasonable rightsis not by voluntarily throwing them away and insisting that they do notwant them;

1. The right to vote.2. Civic equality.3. The education of youth according to ability.

So far as Mr. Washington preaches Thrift, Patience,and Industrial Training for the masses, we must hold up his hands andstrive with him, rejoicing in his honors and glorying in the strength ofthis Joshua called of God and of man to lead the headless host

Mr. Washington not to acknowledge that inseveral instances he has opposed movements in the South which wereunjust to the Negro

Wehave no right to sit silently by while the inevitable seeds are sown for aharvest of disaster to our children, black and white.

Negroes mustinsist continually, in season and out of season, that voting is necessaryto modern manhood, that color discrimination is barbarism, and thatblack boys need education as well as white boys.

They advocate,with Mr. Washington, a broad system of Negro common schools sup-plemented by thorough industrial training; but they are surprised thata man of Mr. Washington’s insight cannot see that no such educationalsystem ever has rested or can rest on any other basis than that of the well-equipped college and university, and they insist that there is a demandfor a few such institutions throughout the South to train the best of theNegro youth as teachers, professional men, and leaders.

for where in the world may we go and be safe fromlying and brute force?

But Booker T.Washington arose as essentially the leader not of one race but of two,—acompromiser between the South, the North, and the Negro.

Mr. Washington’s programme practicallyaccepts the alleged inferiority of the Negro races

Naturallythe Negroes resented, at first bitterly, signs of compromise which surren-dered their civil and political rights, even though this was to be exchangedfor larger chances of economic development

ised blacks, and they soon found themselves striving to keepeven the rights they formerly had of voting and working and movingas freemen. Schemes of migration and colonization arose among them;but these they refused to entertain, and they eventually turned to theAbolition movement as a final refu

The free Negroes of the North, inspired by themulatto immigrants from the West Indies, began to change the basisof their demands; they recognized the slavery of slaves, but insistedthat they themselves were freemen, and sought assimilation and amal-gamation with the nation on the same terms with other men.

insurrection,—in 1800 under Gabriel in Virginia, in 1822 under Veseyin Carolina, and in 1831 again in Virginia under the terrible Nat Turner.In the Free States, on the other hand, a new and curious attempt atself-development was made. In Philadelphia and New York color-pre-scription led to a withdrawal of Negro communicants from whitechurches and the formation of a peculiar socio-religious institutionamong the Negroes known as the African Church,—an organizationstill living and controlling in its various branches over a million of men

In the Free States, on the other hand, a new and curious attempt atself-development was made

Among his own people, however, Mr. Washington has encounteredthe strongest and most lasting opposition, amounting at times to bit-terness, and even today continuing strong and insistent even thoughlargely silenced in outward expression by the public opinion of thenation. Some of this opposition is, of course, mere envy; the disappoint-ment of displaced demagogues and the spite of narrow minds. But asidefrom this, there is among educated and thoughtful colored men in allparts of the land a feeling of deep regret, sorrow, and apprehension atthe wide currency and ascendancy which some of Mr. Washington’stheories have gained. These same men admire his sincerity of purpose,and are willing to forgive much to honest endeavor which is doingsomething worth the doing. They cooperate with Mr. Washington asfar as they conscientiously can; and, indeed, it is no ordinary tribute tothis man’s tact and power that, steering as he must between so manydiverse interests and opinions, he so largely retains the respect of all

Honest and earnest criticism fromthose whose interests are most nearlytouched,—criticism of writers byreaders,—this is the soul of democ-racy and the safeguard of modernsociety

This “Atlanta Compromise” is by all odds the most notable thing inMr. Washington’s career. The South interpreted it in different ways: theradicals received it as a complete surrender of the demand for civil andpolitical equality; the conservatives, as a generously conceived workingbasis for mutual understanding.

His programme of industrial education, conciliationof the South, and submission and silence as to civil and political rights,was not wholly original; the Free Negroes from 1830 up to war-time hadstriven to build industrial schools, and the American Missionary Associ-ation had from the first taught various trades; and Price and others hadsought a way of honorable alliance with the best of the Southerners. ButMr. Washington first indissolubly linked these things; he put enthusiasm,unlimited energy, and perfect faith into his programme, and changed itfrom a by-path into a veritable Way of Life

when in fact the burden belongs to the nation, and the hands of none ofus are clean if we bend not our energies to righting these great wrongs

.

The South interpreted it in different ways: theradicals received it as a complete surrender of the demand for civil andpolitical equality; the conservatives, as a generously conceived workingbasis for mutual understanding

First, political power,Second, insistence on civil rights,Third, higher education of Negro youth,—and concentrate all their energies on industrial education, and accu-mulation of wealth, and the conciliation of the South

more advanced races are comingin closer contact with the less developed races, and the race-feelingis therefore intensified

But Booker T.Washington arose as essentially the leader not of one race but of two,—acompromiser between the South, the North, and the Negro

the suppression of the Negro votes,the changing and shifting of ideals, and the seeking of new lights in thegreat night

insurrection

Now in the past the American Negro has had instructive experience inthe choosing of group leaders, founding thus a peculiar dynasty which inthe light of present conditions is worth while studying

and training, so by singular insight he intuitively grasped the spiritof the age which was dominating the North

The Burkes held a hundred acres, but they were still in debt.

She looked somewhat worried with her new duties,but soon bristled into pride over her neat cabin and the tale of her thrifty husband, and the horseand cow, and the farm they were planning to buy.

There were, however, some—such as Josie,Jim, and Ben—to whom War, Hell, and Slavery were but childhood tales, whose young appetiteshad been whetted to an edge by school and story and half-awakened thought.

Josie longed to go away to school, but that it “looked like” they never could get farenough ahead to let her; how the crops failed and the well was yet unfinished

ever working, and trying to buy the seventy-five acres ofhill and dale where he lived; but people said that he would surely fail, and the “white folks wouldget it all.”

their faces shading from a palecream to a deep brown,

“We’ve had a heap of trouble sinceyou’ve been away.” I had feared for Jim

from a common hardship in poverty, poor land, and low wages; and,above all, from the sight of the Veil that hung between us and Opportunit

w Josie had bought the sewing-machine; how Josie worked at service in winter, but that four dollars a month was “mighty little”

ut people said that he would surely fail, and the “white folks wouldget it all.”

fine faith the children had in the wisdom of their teacher was truly marvellou

that but once sincethe war had a teacher been there; that she herself longed to learn,—and thus she ran on, talkingfast and loud, with much earnestness and energy

My log schoolhouse was gone. In its place stood Progress; and Progress, I understand, isnecessarily ugly.

their faces shading from a palecream to a deep brown,

We read and spelled together, wrote a little, picked flowers, sang, and listened to stories of theworld beyond the hill.