1,444 Matching Annotations
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    1. The leper and his separation; the plague and its segmentations. Thefirst is marked; the second analysed .and distributed.

      In this segmentation there is a lack of separation - the town can split areas and people apart which allows prevents separation of the diseased

    2. This enclosed, segmented space, observed at every point, inwhich the individuals are inserted in a fixed place, in which theslightest movements are supervised, in which all events are recorded,in which an uninterrupted work of writing links the centre andperiphery, in which power is exercised without division, accordingto a continuous hierarchical figure, in which each individual is con-stantly located, examined and distributed among the living beings,the sick and the dead - all this constitutes a compact model of thedisciplinary mechanism

      Ideal disciplinary mechanism has... - segmented space with every point being surveilled. - All movements are supervised - all event recorded etc.

    3. This surveillance is based on a system of permanent registration:reports from the syndics to the intendants, from the intendants tothe magistrates or mayor. At the beginning of the 'lock up', the roleof each of the inhabitants present in the town is laid down, one byone; this document bears 'the name, age, sex of everyone, notwith-standing his condition': a copy is sent to the intendant of the quarter,another to the office of the town hall, another to enable the syndicto make his daily roll call

      Surveillance- permanent registration, knowing where everyone is at all times

    4. If there is a politics-war series that passes through strategy,there is an army-politics series that passes through tactics. It isstrategy that makes it possible to understand warfare as a way ofconducting politics between states; it is tactics that makes it possibleto understand the army as a principle for maintaining the absence ofwarfare in civil society

      politics as extension of war

    5. actics

      Tactics = systems of command and mechanism that work together to form most ideal disciplinary practice

    6. four characteristics: it is cellular (by theplay of spatial distribution), it is organic (by the coding of activities),it is genetic (by the accumulation of time), it is combinatory (by thecomposition of forces)

      individuality is endowed with four characteristics - it is designated by space - it is controlled by activities - is is controlled by time and the amount of it spent for the controller's purpose - it is subject to a variety of systems and hierarchies of command that work together

    7. each must be adjusted to the time of the others in such a way that themaximum quantity of forces may be extracted from each and com-bined with the optimum result

      org has monopoly over individual's time- - represented in the extent of control over their time and the specific control of how the individual utilizes or spends each moment to best maximize the use of time

    8. The individual body becomes an element that may be placed,moved, articulated on others.

      a body is an element or mechanism- it's distinguishing characteristics are of little purpose

    9. thespecial productive power of the combined working-day is, underall circumstances, the social productive power of labour, or theproductive power of social labour. This power is due to cooperationitself' (Marx, Capital,vol. 1, 311-12). On several occasions, Marxstresses the analogy between the problems of the division of labourand those of military tactics.

      Marx theory- the collective power of labour is what makes large masses working during a working day so powerful

    10. Draw up series of series; lay down for each individual,according to his level, his seniority, his rank, the exercises that aresuited to him; common exercises have a differing role and eac

      assign activities to each rank?

    11. inalize these temporal segments, decide on how longeach will last and conclude it with an examination,

      some sort of examination- allow people to move to next segment

    12. rganize these threads according to ananalytical plan - successions of elements as simple as possible,combining according to increasing complexit

      allow for succession to progress learn something before you learn something else

    13. Divide duration into successive or parallel segments, each ofwhich must end at a specific time.

      parallel levels or areas of training- sorted into groups which train at the same time

    14. The disciplines,which analyse space, break up and rearrange activities, must also beunderstood as machinery for adding up and capitalizing time

      four ways of capitalizing time

    15. The body, required to be docile in its minutest opera-tions, opposes and shows the conditions of functioning proper to anorganism. Disciplinary power has as its correlative an individualitythat is not only analytical and 'cellular', but also natural and'organic'.

      Disciplinary power upon the body seen as a reflection of something organic or natural

    16. The regulation imposed by power is at the same time the law ofconstruction of the operation. Thus disciplinary power appears tohave the function not so much of deduction as of synthesis, not somuch of exploitation of the product as of coercive link with theapparatus of production

      product becomes one with what makes it? Regulation of product takes form of regulation of bodies making product?

    17. A disciplined body is theprerequisite of an efficient gesture

      efficient gesture derives from a well trained body

    18. Good handwriting, for example, presupposesa gymnastics - a whole routine whose rigorous code invests the bodyin its entirety, from the points of the feet to the tip of the indexfinge

      requiring of the whole body

    19. Theact is broken down into its elements; the position of the body, limbs,articulations is defined; to each movement are assigned a direction,an aptitude, a duration; their order of succession is prescribed

      direction to the actual mechanism of the action

    20. obligatory rhythm, imposed froll\ the outside; it is a 'programme';it assures the elaboration of the act itself; it controls its developmentand its stages from the inside

      one step further from a time-table - beyond this needs to be done by this time - now, the act itself requires a certain cadence

    21. Time measured andpaid must also be a time without impurities or defect

      the time you put in can't be defective

    22. But an attempt is also made to assure the quality of the time used:constant supervision, the pressure of supervisors, the elimination o(anything that might disturb or distract; it is a question of constitut-ing a totally useful time:

      Beyond the use of time- the efficiency or effectiveness of actions within time is constantly perfected with supervision and elimination of distractions

    23. Guibert systematically implemented the chronometric measurementof shooting that had been suggested earlier by Vauban. In the ele-mentary schools, the division of time became increasingly minute;activities were governed in detail by orders that had to be obeyedimmediately: 'At the last stroke of the hour, a pupil will ring thebell, and at the first sound of the bell all the pupils will kneel, withtheir arms crossed and their eyes lowered. When the prayer has beensaid, the teache1 will strike the signal once to indicate that the pupilsshould get up, a second time as a sign that they should salute Christ,and a third that they should sit down' (La Salle, Conduite ... , 27-8).

      increasingly minute control of time- to the minute or instance

    24. The time-tahle is an old inheritance

      control of what is being done with one's time

    25. The first of the great operations of discipline is, there-fore, the constitution of 'tahleaux vivants', which transform theconfused, useless or dangerous multitudes into ordered multiplici-ties.

      tables make ordered multiplicities from chaos - think animal kingdom

    26. In organizing 'cells', 'places' and 'ranks', the disciplines createcomplex spaces that are at once architectural, functional and hier-archica

      creation of units (cells, place, rank) make spaces, both physical and nonphysical

    27. It made theeducational space function like a learning machine, but also as amachine for supervising, hierarchizing, rewarding.

      Schools work are a system of supervision, hierarchies, and rewarding

    28. By assigning individual places it made possible thesupervision of each individual and the simultaneous work of all. Itorganized a new economy of the time of apprenticeship

      place is apart of the individual- can go beyond certain physical delineations and interactions - even if a student isn't at school or isn't working with teacher, they are still a "fifth-grader"

    29. Discipline is an art of rank,a technique for the transformation of arrangements. It individualizesbodies by a location that does not give them a fixed position, butdistributes them and circulates them in a network of relations

      Discipline is based on ranks- not fixed physical positions but fixed positions within social networks

    30. The unit is, therefore, neither theterritory (unit of domination), nor the place (unit of residence), butthe rank: the place one occupies in a classification,the point at whicha line and a column intersect,

      The unit is the rank

    31. Thus, spread out in a per-fectly legible way over the whole series of individual bodies, thework force may be analysed in individual units. At the emergenceof large-scale industry, one finds, beneath the division of the pro-duction process, the individualizing fragmentation of labour power;the distributions of the disciplinary space often assured both

      in this partition- each phase of production could be pinned to the individual overseeing it and controlled

    32. By walking up and down the centralaisle of the workshop, it was possible to carry out a supervision thatwas both general and individual: to observe the worker's presenceand application, and the quality of his work; to compare workerswith one another, to classify them according to skill and speed;to follow the successive stages of the production process. All theseserializations formed a permanent grid: confusion was eliminated2

      partitions made visible the workers and the stages of production to keep things runnin

    33. Gradually, an administrative and political space was articulated upona therapeutic space; it tended to individualize bodies, diseases,symptoms, lives and deaths; it constituted a real table of juxtaposedand carefully distinct singularities. Out of discipline, a medicallyuseful space was born

      partitioning made hospitals organizationally feasible- an individual with their information and treatment remained attached to one place

    34. But

      derives from the monastic cell

    35. iscipline organizes an analytical space

      also allows better surveillance

    36. It does thisfirst of all on the principle of elementary location or partitioning.Each individual has his own place; and each place its individual.Avoid distributions in groups; break up collective dispositions;analyse confused, massive or transient pluralities. Disciplinary spacetends to be divided into as many sections as there are bodies orelements to be distributed. One must eliminate the effects of impre-cise distributions, the uncontrolled disappearance of individuals,their diffuse circulation, their unusable and dangerous coagulation;it was a tactic of anti-desertion, anti-vagabondage, anti-concentra-tion.

      use partitioning to prevent uprising, social grouping beyond control

    37. The aim is to derive the maximum advantages and toneutralize the inconveniences (thefts, interruptions of work, dis-turbances and 'cabals'), as the forces of production become moreconcentrated; to protect materials and tools and to master the labourforce: 'The order and inspection that must be maintained require

      control aided by everyone or someone being restricted to a liminal space- exists in factories, schools, prisons, barracks, etc. surveillance

    38. In the first instance, discipline proceeds from the distribution of in-dividuals in space

      discipline derives from distribution of individuals

    39. meticulous observation of detail, and at the same time apolitical awareness of these small things, for the control and use ofmen, emerge through the classical age bearing with them a wholeset of techniques, a whole corpus of methods and knowledge,descriptions, plans and data

      Method- focus on the details and how they are politically oriented to control people- emerged from an ancient corporal penal tradition with its methods, strategies, and knowledge

    40. he meticulousness ofthe regulations, the fussiness of the inspections, the supervision ofthe smallest fragment oflife and of the body will soon provide, in thecontext of the school, the barracks, the hospital or the workshop,a laicized content, an economic or technical rationality for thismystical calculus of the infinitesimal and the infinite

      answer is in the little things

    41. They

      punishment as a tactic, not as a moral obligation and act

    42. They were at work in secondary education at a very earlydate, later in primary schools; they slowly invested the space of thehospital; and, in a few decades, they restructured the militaryorganization.

      school to prison pipeline

    43. let us saythat disciplinary coercion establishes in the body the con-stricting link between an increased aptitude and an increaseddomination

      disciplinary coercion: dominion conflated with aptitude it is not a matter of willingness to comply but capacity in a very general sense arguable a distinction of character?

    44. If economic exploit-ation separates the force and the product of labour,

      MARXX

    45. A'political anatomy', which was also a 'mechanics of power', wasbeing born; it defined how one may have a hold over others' bodies,not only so that they may do what one wishes, but so that they mayoperate as one wishes, with the techniques, the speed and the effi-ciency that one determines

      Beyond doing what one wishes but operating how one wishes

    46. hey were different, too, from 'service', which was aconstant, total, massive, non-analytical, unlimited relation ofdomination, established in the form of the individual will of themaster, his 'caprice'. They were different from vassalage, which wasa highly coded, but distant relation of submission, which bore lesson the operations of the body than on the products of labour andthe ritual marks of allegiance. Again, they were different fromasceticism and from 'disciplines' of a monastic type, whose functionwas to obtain renunciations rather than increases of utility andwhich, although they involved obedience to others, had as theirprincipal aim an increase of the mastery of each individual over hisown body.

      This enforcing of wills was beyond servitude, vassalage (living on anothers land) or monastic servitude

    47. Lastly, there is themodality: it implies an uninterrupted, constant coercion, super-vising the processes of the activity rather than its result and it isexercised according to a codification that partitions as closely aspossible time, space, movement

      Shift in for long - desire for will to be inflicted upon body for uninterrupted periods - How its being done as important as the actual result of what is being done

    48. movements, gestures, attitudes,rapidity: an infinitesimal power over the active body

      shift in focus - little mannerisms and body language as opposed to say the physical placement of body (where it's allowed to go)

    49. The celebrated automata, on the other hand, were notonly a way of illustrating an organism, they were also politicalpuppets, small-scale models of power

      regulation and control of bodies on a general and individual scale

    50. The classical age discovered the body as object and target ofpower.

      evolution of approach to soldiers shows movement towards body being an object of power- something to enforce will upon - in ancient times, a complete control of another not synonymous with owning another's soul?

    51. What was at issue was not whether the prison environmentwas too harsh or too aseptic, too primitive or too efficient, but itsvery materiality as an instrument and vector of power; it is thiswhole technology of power over the body that the technology ofthe 'soul' - that of the educationalists, psychologists and psychia-trists - fails either to conceal or to compensate, for the simple reasonthat it is one of its tools.

      misunderstanding that prison revolts were against A action or method when they protest they whole system altogether and the technology of power over the body and soul

    52. Were theyrevolts whose aims were merely material? Or contradictory revolts:against the obsolete, but also against comfort; against the warders,but also against the psychiatrists

      He's spitting

    53. A 'soul' inhabits himand brings him to existence, which is itself a factor in the masterythat power exercises over the body. The soul is the effect andinstrument of a political anatomy; the soul is the prison of the bod

      body just a vessel for a soul- not always the way of thinking?

    54. The man described forus, whom we are invited to free, is already in himself the effect of asubjection much more profound than himsel

      Durkheim

    55. Rather than seeing this soul as the reactivated remnants of an ideo-logy, one would see it as the present correlative of a certain tech-nology of power over the body. It would be wrong to say that thesoul is an illusion, or an ideological effect. On the contrary, it exists,it has a reality, it is produced permanently around, on, within thebody by the functioning of a power that is exercised on thosepunished

      the soul is a very real thing as it exists as the object of punishment

    56. At the opposite pole one might imagine placing thebody of the condemned man; he, too, has his legal status; he givesrise to his own ceremonial and he calls forth a whole theoreticaldiscourse, not in order to ground the 'surplus power' possessed bythe person of the sovereign, but in order to code the 'lack of power'with which those subjected to punishment are marked.

      body of criminal is a double body- they are their own body but also a legal entity representing a limitation as a form of punishment

    57. One would be concerned with the 'body politic', as a set ofmaterial elements and techniques that serve as weapons, relays,communication routes and supports for the power and knowledgerelations that invest human bodies and subjugate them by turningthem into objects of knowledge.

      still hazy on how bodies are objects of knowledge- understand how they symbolize the limitations of a punishment

    58. that power and knowledge directly imply oneanother; that there is no power relation without the correlativeconstitution of a field of knowledge, nor any knowledge that doesnot presuppose and constitute at the same time power relations.

      knowledge not some ideal entity existing outside of power- its growth is driven by it

    59. Lastly, they are not univocal; theydefine innumerable points of confrontation, focuses of instability,each of which has its own risks of conflict, of struggles, and of anat least temporary inversion of the power relations.

      impacts of punishment garnered by a series of events and confrontations- not just the execution of one action

    60. elations between the state and its citizens or on the frontierbetween classes and that they do not merely reproduce, at the levelof individuals, bodies, gestures and behaviour, the general form ofthe law or government; that, although there is continuity

      relations are now completely beyond state and citizens

    61. Now, the study of this micro-physics presupposes that the powerexercised on the body is conceived not as a property, but as astrategy, that its effects of domination are attributed not to 'appro-priation', but to dispositions, manoeuvres, tactics, techniques,functionings; that one should decipher in it a network of relations,constantly in tension, in activity, rather than a privilege that onemight possess; that one should take as its model a perpetual battlerather than a contract regulating a transaction or the conquest of aterritory. In short this power is exercised rather than possessed;it is not the 'privilege', acquired or preservecl, of the dominantclass, but the overall effect of its strategic positions

      Change in perspectives - instead of power exercised on basis of legal property it is because it is strategic to maintain a higher social order - instead of power appropriating it maneuvers - one is not privileged to punish but is obligated and bears the responsibility to

    62. What the apparatuses and institu-tions operate is, in a sense, a micro-physics of power, whose fieldof validity is situated in a sense between these great functioningsand the bodies themselves with their materiality and their forces

      systems work with the materiality of bodies- their movement and directioning playing apart of the punishments

    63. make use neither of weapons nor of terror and yetremain of a physical order

      some actions physical without violence

    64. This political investment of the body is bound up,in accordance with complex reciprocal relations, with its economic

      has always been a political investment in the body itself

    65. But can one write such a history against the back-ground of a history of bodies, when such systems of punishmentclaim to have only the secret souls of criminals as their objective?

      But- can we look beyond punishment when looking at history of corporal punishment?

    66. unitive mechanisms serve to provide an additional labour force -and to constitute a body of'civil' slaves in addition to those providedby war or trading; with feudalism, at .a time when money and pro-duction were still at an.early stage of development, we find a suddenincrease in corporal punishment

      Historical examples- slave economy used punishment to incorporate additional labour force

    67. a means of reducing crime and that, in this role

      Rushe and Kirchheimer- get rid of myth that sole purpose of punishment is to reduce crime

    68. direction

      Literature Review!!- same order as my ethnographic study

    69. s not the effect of a transformationof the way in which the body itself is invested by power relations
      1. Look beyond idea that non-corporal punishment is a result of a kinder more human approach to the world
    70. see whether thereis not some common matrix or ,whether they do not both derivefrom a single process of 'epistemologico-juridical' formation; inshort, make the technology of power the very principle both of thehumanization of the penal system and of the knowledge of ma
      1. take the history of human science and penal law as essentially one and the same
    71. Regard punishment as a political tactic
      1. see broad impacts of punishment- as a method of exercising power to the masses
    72. As a consequence, regardpunishment as a complex social function

      Four rules of approach to study 1. look at punishment not just as "did the person not commit crime again" but a whole series of effects

    73. a genealogy of the present scientifico-legal complex from which the power to punish derives its bases,justifications and rules, from which it extends its effects and by whichit masks its exorbitant singularity.

      Organization more similar to what we studied in ethnography starting with a paradox

    74. Today, criminal justice functions andjustifies itself only by this perpetual reference to something otherthan itself, by this unceasing reinscription in non-juridical systems.Its fate is to be redefined by knowledge.

      DURKHEIM Cult of humanity- a responsibility to punish for a reason other than maintaining a system and order

    75. implementation of sentences, and their adjustment to individuals,creates a proliferation of the authorities of judicial decision-makingand extends its powers of decision well beyond the sentence

      easy to think judges are more limited now but judges are now less limited than ever- can assess beyond the action itself

    76. 'Has theact been established and is it punishable?' But also: 'What is this act,what is this act of violence or this murder? To what level or to whatfield of reality does it belong? Is it a phantasy, a psychotic reaction, adelusional episode, a perverse action?' It is no longer simply: 'Whocommitted it?' But: 'How can we assign the causal process thatproduced it? Where did it originate in the author himself? Instinct,unconscious, environment, heredity?' It is no longer simply: 'Whatlaw punishes this offence?' But: 'What would be the most appropriatemeasures to take? How do we see the future development of theoffender? What would be the best way of rehabilitating him?

      It's no longer formulaic- what was the action, what is the punishment

      Now its a game of labeling, justifying, understanding perspective, and catering the response to the exact scenario

    77. and is in fact expansionist

      in this introduction of the soul- the penal system is more vast even if it is less physically violent

    78. Psychiatricexpertise, but also in a more general way criminal anthropology andthe repetitive discourse of criminology, find one of their precisefunctions here: by solemnly inscribing offences in the field of objectssusceptible of scientific knowledge, they provide the mechanismsof legal punishment with a justifiable hold not only on offences, buton individuals; not only on what they do, but also on what they are,will be, may be.

      specialists have imbued the physical actions and object of punishment with these implications that identify and characterize the person as a whole

    79. The criminal'ssoul is not referred to in the trial merely to explain his crime andas a factor in the juridical apportioning of responsibility; if it isbrought before the court, with such pomp and circumstance, suchconcern to understand and such 'scientific' application, it is becauseit too, as well as the crime itself, is to be judged and to share in thepunishment.

      the soul of the individual itself is what's being judged and punished

    80. hut judgement is also passed on the passions, instincts,anomalies, infirmities, maladjustments, effects of environment orheredity; acts of aggression are punished, so also, through them, isaggressivity; rape, but at the same time perversions; murders, butalso drives and desires

      all these other human responses, emotions, circumstances are being assessed alongside the action itself

    81. n a sense the substanceof which the punishable element is made, rather than its formaldefinition

      what is punishable or being punished has changed?

    82. but something quite different, which is not juridically codifiable:the knowledge of the criminal, one's estimation of him, what isknown about the relations between him, his past and his crime, andwhat might be expected of him in the future.

      what is being judged is no longer actual action of crime but the rectifiability of the criminal??

    83. ut these displacements are perhaps not the most important fact:the division between the permitted and the forbidden has preserveda certain constancy from one century to another.

      hasn't just been a change in what is considered a crime or which crimes are considered more severe than others

    84. t seems to be containedin the question itself: since it is no longer the body, it must be thesoul. The expiation that once rained down upon the body must bereplaced by a punishment that acts in depth on the heart, thethoughts, the will, the inclinations. Mably formulated the principleonce and for all: 'Punishment, if I may so put it, should strike thesoul rather than the body' (Mably, 326)

      focus on punishing the soul as opposed to the body

    85. In fact, these changes are accompanied by a dis-placement in the very object of the punitive operation. Is there adiminution of intensity? Perhaps. There is certainly a change ofobjective

      Are these changes a result of an increased humanity or something else

    86. It isdifficult to dissociate punishment from additional physical pain.What would a non-corporal punishment be?There remains, therefore, a trace of 'torture' in the modernmechanisms of criminal justice - a trace that has not been entirelyovercome, but which is enveloped, increasingly, by the non-corporalnature of the penal system

      torture has imbedded itself into modern penal system even with it's lack of focus on the body

    87. he guillotine, first used in March 1792, was the perfect vehicle forthese principles. Death was reduced to a visible, but instantaneousevent

      guillotine represented movement towards this humane means of execution

    88. Every man condemned todeath will have his head cut off' - bears this triple signification: anequal death for all

      movement towards equal kinds of deaths

    89. Today a doctor must watch over those condemned to death,right up to the last moment - thus juxtaposing himself as the agentof welfare, as the alleviator of pain, with the official whose task it isto end lif

      paradox- doctors alleviate pain while officials take away life

    90. From being an art of unbearable sensations punish-ment has become an economy of suspended rights.

      punishment is now the suspension of rights

    91. The body nowserves as an instrument or intermediary: if one intervenes upon itto imprison it, or to make it work, it is in order to deprive theindividual of a liberty that is regarded both as a right and as property

      The body is no longer a canvas for the art of punishment- instead it is the object that is limited or deprived of liberties given to ordinary citizens

    92. Thissense of shame is constantly growing: the psychologists and theminor civil servants of moral orthopaedics proliferate on the woundit leaves.

      There is a shame to participate in punishing- to punish has a negative connotation

    93. operates a theoretical disavowal: do not imagine that the sentencesthat we judges pass are activated by a desire to punish; they areintended to correct, reclaim, 'cure'; a technique of improvementrepresses, in the penalty, the strict expiation of evil-doing, andrelieves the magistrates of the demeaning task of punishing.

      in distribution of roles- legal arm makes statement that there is no one desires or wished to inflict punishment- it is for the sake of safety or improvement

    94. Those who carry out the penalty tend tobecome an autonomous sector; justice is relieved of responsibilityfor it by a bureaucratic concealment of the penalty itself

      bureaucratization of punishment (routinization? of value rational end goal)- no one person bears sole responsibility for punishment or can be pinned as the source of its harshness

    95. it is the conviction itself that marks theoffender with the unequivocally negative sign: the publicity hasshifted to the trial, and to the sentence; the execution itself is like anadditional shame that justice is ashamed to impose on the con-demned man; so it keeps its distance from the ac

      Now- the conviction acts as the shaming device and the trial (the delineation of the crime) is the public execution.

      The criminal is shamed by justice itself- not by an individual or a legal branch

    96. to invert the shame inflicted on thevictim into pity or glory, it often turned the legal violence of theexecutioner into sham

      In old days, executioner (legal arm) took upon some of this shame

    97. Punishment, then, will tend to become the most hidden part ofthe penal process

      prisons punish in hidden forms now

    98. The public execution is now seen asa hearth in which violence bursts again into flame

      public execution seen now as inciting more violence than quelling it

    99. And yet the. fact remains that a few decades saw the disappearance of the tor-tured, dismembered, amputated body, symbolically branded on faceor shoulder, exposed alive or dead to public view. The body as themajor target of penal repression disappeared

      public execution faded out as a form of punishment

    100. We have, then, a public execution and a time-table

      comparison of ancient punishment vs. modern punishment

    101. ghty years later, Leon Faucher drew up his rules 'for the Houseof young prisoners in Paris'

      okay story telling king

  2. Nov 2024
    1. In fa c t th e re is a s e n s e in which the c a te g o ry ofim po stor, p re v io u s ly referre d co, c a n be d e fin e d a s a p erso nwho m a k e s it im p o s s ib le for h i s a u d i e n c e to be ta c tf u l abo u to b s e rv e d m is r e p r e s e n t a ti o n

      Works as a service to the audience- opportunity to be tactful about misrepresentation - helps the audience help the performer retain their own performance

    2. In t e l l i n g an untruth, the perform er i s e n jo in e d to reta ina sha dow of j e s t in h i s v o ic e so th a t, should he be caughcout, he c a n d is a v o w an y claim to s e r i o u s n e s s and s a y th a t hew as only joking. In m is r e p r e s e n t in g h is p h y s ic a l a p p e a r a n c e ,th e performer is e n jo in e d to u s e a method w hich a l lo w s of anin n o c e n t e x c u s e .

      performer must provide himself an out that is other than the actual reason

    3. s e c r e t a r y is being told by theman who i s p re su m a b ly not th e re to te ll her

      letting people keep their secrets

    4. o re x a m p le , it w a s s u g g e s t e d th a t ta c tf u l o u t s i d e r s in a p h y s ic a lp o s it io n to o v e r h e a r a n i n te r a c t io n m ay o ffe r a s h o w o fi n a t t e n t i o n . In o rd e r to a s s i s t in th is ta c tf u l w ith d ra w a l, th ep a r t i c i p a n t s who feel i t i s p h y s i c a l l y p o s s i b l e for them to beo v e rh e a rd may omit from th e ir c o n v e r s a ti o n and a c t i v i t y anythin gt h a t would ta x t h i s ta c tf u l r e s o lv e of the o u t s i d e r s , and att h e s a m e tim e i n c lu d e e n o u g h s e m i- c o n f id e n t ia l f a c t s to sho wt h a t th e y do not d i s t r u s t th e sh o w of w ith d raw a l p r e s e n te d byt h e o u t s i d e r s

      example two people having a convo that's private with others around other random unrelated people offer the courtesy or tact of not paying attention two people won't completely cease having conversation or make dramatic show of secrecy but will refrain from discussing all things out right maintain some level of secrecy while respecting or acknowledging other's "tact"

    5. And th en, in turn, it b e c o m e s p o s s i b l e for theperform ers to le a rn th a t the a u d i e n c e k now s th a t the perform ersknow t h e y are being p r o te c te d . Now w hen s u c h s t a t e s ofin fo rm a tio n e x i s t , a moment in th e p erfo rm an ce may com ew h en th e s e p a r a t e n e s s of th e t e a m s w ill b reak down a n d bem o m e n ta rily r e p l a c e d by a com munion of g l a n c e s through w hiche a c h team o p e n ly a d m its to the o th e r i t s s t a t e of inform ation.A t s u c h m o m e n ts th e w hole d r am a tu rg ica l s tr u c t u r e of s o c i a li n t e r a c t i o n i s s u d d e n ly an d p o ig n a n tly la id bare, an d th e lin es e p a r a t i n g th e t e a m s m om entarily d i s a p p e a r s . Whether t h i sc l o s e v ie w of th in g s b rin g s sh a m e or la u g h te r , th e teams» arel ik e ly to d raw r a p id l y b ack in to th e ir a p p o in te d c h a r a c t e r s

      THIISSSSS

      If I say that I know that you know I know you know- the whole performance reality breaks - shame or laughter

    6. th e a u d i e n c e may ta c tfu lly' n o t s e e ’ th e s lip or r e a d ily a c c e p t th e e x c u s e t h a t is o fferedfor it.

      audience ignoring breaks in the performance- rude to point it out

    7. T h e g a m e s in tro d u c e dby t h e n u r s e s w e r e on a very c h i l d i s h l e v e l ; many o f che pac iencs felts i l l y p l a y i n g them a n d w ere g l a d when the pa rty w as over a n d theyc o u l d go b ack to a c t i v i t i e s of t h e i r own c h o o s i n g

      audience allows nurse to fulfill role by participating in something they didn't want to do

    8. And when o u t s i d e r s find th e y are a b o u t toe n t e r s u c h a r eg io n , th e y o fte n give t h o s e a lre a d y p r e s e n tsom e w arning, in th e form o f a m e s s a g e , or a knock, or a co u g h ,so t h a t t h e in tru sio n c a n be put off if n e c e s s a r y o r the s e t t i n gh u rrie dly pu t in order and proper e x p r e s s i o n s fixed on t h ef a c e s o f t h o s e p r e s e n t. 1 T h i s kin d o f t a c t c a n bec om e n ic e lye l a b o r a te d . T h u s, in p r e s e n tin g o n e s e l f to a s tr a n g e r by m e a n so f a l e t t e r o f in tro d u c tio n , it i s thought proper to c o n v e y th ele t t e r to th e a d d r e s s e e before a c tu a lly com ing into h i s im m e d ia tep r e s e n c e ; th e a d d r e s s e e then h a s tim e to d e c id e w hat kind ofg r e e tin g th e ind iv id u al i s to r e c e i v e , and tim e to a s s e m b l et h e e x p r e s s i v e m anner a p p r o p r ia te to s u c h a g re e tin g

      outsiders make performers aware of their own prescence

    9. nt h i s s e c t i o n I w ant to s t r e s s th e f a c t t h a t m o s t o f t h e s ed e f e n s i v e t e c h n i q u e s o f i m p r e s s io n m a n ag e m en t h a v e a c o u n t e rp a rt in t h e ta c tfu l t e n d e n c y o f th e a u d i e n c e and o u t s i d e r s toa c t in a p r o te c tiv e way in o rd e r to help th e p erform ers s a v et h e ir own show .

      outsiders themselves work so that the performance can maintain its own impression

    10. In a d d itio n , it will be u s e fu l i f th e m em bersof th e te am e x e r c i s e f o re s ig h t and d e s i g n in d e term in in g ina d v a n c e how b e s t to s t a g e a show .

      Dramaturgical circumspection- investment and therefore foresight in how the performance will play out- anticipation of it

    11. I refer to the fact that w hile theperformer is o s t e n s i b l y im m ersed a n d g iv e n o v er to th e a c tiv i tyhe i s perform ing, and i s a p p a r e n tly e n g r o s s e d in h i s a c t i o n sin a s p o n ta n e o u s , u n c a l c u l a t i n g way, h e m ust n one th e l e s sb e a f f e c tiv e ly d i s s o c i a t e d from h i s p r e s e n ta t io n in a way th a tl e a v e s him free to c o p e with d ram a tu rg ica l c o n t in g e n c ie s a sth e y a r i s e .

      dramaturgical discipline- disassociation from own role as a performance- real or fake intellectual and emotional involvement in activity at stake

    12. but c l e r k scan fre q u e n tly be found who not o n ly a p p e a r to t a k e the r o leo f th e c u s to m e r in g iv in g b u y in g - a d v i c e but a c t u a l l y do so

      example- dramturgical loyalty threatened when clerks say candidly what products are actually worth buying

    13. . It i s a p p a re n t t h a t ifa te a m i s to s u s t a i n the lin e it h a s ta k e n , t h e te a m - m a te sm ust a c t a s i f they h a v e a c c e p t e d c e r ta in moral o b lig a tio n s

      Dramaturgical loyalty- moral obligation to keep face from individual teammate

    14. Defensive Attributes and Practices

      saving face when it is threatened

    15. He know ing lyl o w e r s h is d e f e n c e s in th e ir p r e s e n c e , throw ing h im s e lf, a swe s a y , on th e ir m ercy. By s u c h an a c t th e i n d iv i d u a l m a k e sa p le a to the a u d i e n c e to t r e a t t h e m s e l v e s a s part of h is teamo r to a llo w him to tr e a t h im s e lf a s part k>( th e ir te a m

      sometimes performer pleas to audience for their mercy because of a failure or inability to continue performing.

    16. o c o n fro n ts th e perform erswith f a c t s or e x p r e s s i v e a c t s w hich e a c h team know s w ill beu n a c c e p t a b l

      sometimes audience can't believe impression and confronts performers about it

    17. im m ed ia te

      sometimes breaks in scene occur bc when actor is fed up with inadequacy of another

    18. H ow everth e :? a re s i t u a t i o n s , often c a l l e d ' s c e n e s , ' in w hich a nin d iv id u a l a c t s in s u c h a way a s to d e s tro y or s e r i o u s l y th r e a te nth e p o lite a p p e a r a n c e of c o n s e n s u s , and w hile he may not a c tsi.~:.;ly in o rd er to c r e a t e suci? d i s s o n a n c e , he a c t s wich th ekno w led g e th a t th is kind c f d i s s o n a n c e is lik e ly to r e s u lt .T n e c o m m o n - s e n s e p h rase , ' c r e a t i n g a s c e n e , ’ is a p t b e c a u s e ,in iiifect, a new s c e n e is c r e a te d by s u c h d is r u p tio n s . T h ep r e v io u s and e x p e c t e d in te r p la y betw een th e te a m s i s s u d d e n lyforced a s i d e and a new drama forcibly t a k e s i t s p l a c e

      sometimes this threat of politene appearances is for a certain purpose

    19. T h e p a s t rife an d c u r r e n t round o f a c t i v i t y o f a givenperform er ty p ic a lly c o n t a in at l e a s t a fe w f a c t s w hich, ifin tro d u c e d d urin g th e perfo rm ance, would d i s c r e d i t or a t l e a s tw eaken the c l a im s a b o u t s e l f th a t the perform er w a s atte m p tin g

      facts about performers (of past and present relevance) can pose as threat to illusion

    20. Q u e s t io n sa r e r a is e d about the con d itio n of sign equ ip m en t; s ta n d s , lin e s,an d p o s it io n s are te n ta t iv e l y brought forth and ' c l e a r e d ' byth e a s s e m b le d m e m b ersh ip ; the m erits and d em erits of a v a ila b lefront re g io n s are a n a ly z e d ; th e s i z e and c h a r a c te r of p o s s i b l ea u d i e n c e s for the perform an ce a r e c o n s id e r e d ; p a s t perform anced is r u p tio n s and likely d is r u p tio n s are ta lk e d a b o u t; new s aboutth e te a m s of o n e ’s c o l le a g u è s i s tra n s m itte d ; th e receptiongiven on e’s l a s t perform ance i s mulled o v er in what are some-tim e s c a lle d ' p o s t m o r te m s ;’ wounds a r e lic k e d and moralei s s tren g th en e d for th e next perform ance

      staging talk- talk regarding performance itself

    21. In c o n v e r s a tio n a l c i r c l e s of five or six, b a s ic a lig nm ents a s betw een one con ju gal pair and another, or betweenh o s t s and g u e s t s , or betw een men and women, may be light-h e a rte d ly s e t a s i d e , and th e p a r ti c ip a n ts will s ta n d rea dy toshift and r e sh ift team a lig n m e n ts with l i t t l e provocation,jo k in g ly joining th eir p r e v io u s a u d ie n c e a g a i n s t th e ir prev io u s

      banter = consistent team realignments

    22. Attem pts are made to e s t a b l i s h a s p e c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p with th ed octor. P a t i e n t s often a t t e m p t to c u l t i v a t e th e i l l u s i o n of a s e c r e tu n d e r s t a n d i n g with the d o c t o r by, for e x a m p le , try in g t o c a t c h h i s ey e

      this is just a great example

    23. A lso, such rela xatio n ofd i s t a n c e p rovides one m eans by which a fe e lin g of sp o n ta n e ityand involvemenc can be g e n e ra te d in th e in te ractio n . In anyc a s e , in te ra c tio n between two te am s often i n v o lv e s th e takingo f very sm all lib e r tie s , if only a s a m e an s of t e s tin g the groundto s e e if u n e x p e c te d a d v a n ta g e might not be taken of th eo p p osing sid

      impression of relaxation necessary for superordinate when working with subordinates

    24. In te re s tin g lyen ough, th e re are o c c a s i o n s when it s e r v e s t h e w ider g o a lso f th e h ighe r te am to low er b arriers and admit the low er teamto g r e a te r intim acy and e q u a lity with it.

      we usually think of lower status team as trying to break into higher status of the higher status team- but often this equalizing initiated by higher status team

    25. In all of t h e s e c a s e s involving fra te rn iz a tio n between opposings p e c i a l i s t s , th e point i s not th a t the s e c r e t s of the te am s willbe d i s c l o s e d or their in t e r e s t s made to suffer (although t h i smay o c c u r a n d may appear to occur) but rather th at th e imp r e s s io n of opp ositio n that is fo ste re d betw een th e te a m s maybe d is c r e d ite d .

      in this case, specialists endanger not the disclosure of destructive information but a break in the impression of opposing sides

    26. A s p e c i a l i s t onone team may find that he h a s a great deal in common withh i s o p p o s ite number on the oth e r te am and that to g e th e r theyta lk a la n g u a g e which te n d s to align them to g e th e r on a sin g leteam in o p p o sitio n to all the rem aining p a r ti c ip a n ts .

      within opposing teams- a specialist may align himself with specialist of other team creating their own perceived team to which the rest of the world stands against.

    27. By em ploying double-talk the subo rd in a te c a n i n it ia t e lin e s of ac tio n without giving openrecognition to the e x p r e s s iv e im plica tion of such in itia tio nand w ithout putting into jeopardy th e s t a t u s d iffe re n c e betweenh im s e lf and h i s su p e ro r d in a te .

      double-talk, subordinate can communicate things without putting anything in jeopardy

    28. T h u s whentwo p e rso n s in c o n v e r s a tio n are a tte m p tin g to d isc o v e r howca re fu l they a re going to have to be about s ta tin g th e ir truep o litic a l o pinion s, one of them ca n halt h is gradual d is c lo s u r eo f how far left or how far right he is ju s t a t the point wheret h e o th e r h a s come to th e f u rth e s t extrem e o f his a c tu a l b eliefs

      act like extent of beliefs is minimal of other person's is mini,a;

    29. hen in d iv id u a ls a r e unfam iliar with e a c h o th e r’s o p in io n sand s t a t u s e s , a feeling-out p r o c e s s o c c u r s w hereby o n ein d ividual adm its h is v ie w s or s t a t u s e s to another a l i t t l e ata tim e

      teams show things about themselves a little bit at a time to gauge other person

    30. h is u nofficial com munication may beca rrie d on by innuendo, mim icked a c c e n t s , w ell-placed jo k e s,s ig n ific a n t p a u s e s , v e ile d h in ts , purposeful kidding, e x p r e s s iv eov erto n e s, and many other sig n p r a c tic e s . R u le s regardingth is laxity a re quite s tr ic t. T he com m unicator h a s the right todeny th a t h e ' m e a n t a n y t h i n g 1 by h i s ac tio n , sh o u ld h isr e c ip ie n t s a c c u s e him to his f a c e of h av ing co n v e y ed som ethingu n a c c e p ta b le , and th e r e c ip ie n t s have th e right to a c t a s ifnothing, or only som ething in n o c u o u s, h a s been conveyed.In many kinds of s o c ia l in te r a c tio n , unofficial com municationp rovides a way in which o n e team can ex ten d a defin ite but noncom prom ising in v itatio n to th e other, r e q u e s tin g that s o c ia ld is t a n c e and formality be i n c r e a s e d or d e c r e a s e d , or th a t bothte am s sh ift the in te ra c tio n to one involving the perform anceof a new s e t of r o le s

      unofficial communication- communication that always has potential to be denied, works to communicate and test relations between two teams communicate roles, how the intimacy of relationships should be- communicate boundaries, etc.

    31. P e r s o n s who are adm itted to t h is s e c r e t communication a r e p la c e d in a c o l lu s iv e r e la tio n s h ip to one an otherv is - a - v is th e rem ainder of th e p a r tic ip a n ts. By acknow ledgingto one an other that th e y are kee p in g r ele v an t s e c r e t s from theo th e rs p rese n t, th ey ac k n o w led g e to one an other that the showof candour they m aintain, and the show o f being only t h ec h a r a c t e r s they o ffic ia lly project, i s merely a show

      sometimes teammates communicate things as a part of performance but only that those "in the know" pick up on

    32. By m ocking thethe a u d ie n c e or t e a s i n g a team -m ate, th e performer ca n shownot only th a t he i s not bound by th e o ffic ia l in te r a c tio n buta l s o th a t h e h a s th is in te r a c tio n s o much u n d er control thathe can toy wirh it at will

      trying to make eachother break or sharing amusement - sideyes - shows more autonomy within interaction or that they are not bound by it

    33. So, too, em p loyeeswill often grim ace a t their b o s s , or g e s t i c u l a t e a sile n t c u r s e ,performing t h e s e a c t s of contem pt or insub ord ination at ana n g l e s u c h th a t th o s e to whom t h e s e a c t s are directed c a n n o ts e e them. P e r h a p s th e most timid form of th is kind of c o llu s io ni s found in th e pra c tic e of ' d o o d l i n g 1 or of ‘ going a w a y ’ toim aginary p l e a s a n t p la c e s , w hile still m aintaining som e showof performing the part of lis te n e r

      derisive collusion- done by performer and hidden from higher-ups , for the performers own purpose

    34. e r i s i v e c o l l u s i o n

      derisive collusion- in front of audience but not for audience and so they don't pick up on it

    35. As p rev io u sly su g g e s te d , evento i t s own members, a team may be a s e c r e t s o c ie ty

      i squeezed my dad's hand when his prayer was taking too long

    36. P e r h a p s one o f the n o t e s in th e pi anoforte harmonyi s the very no te that the sing er s h o u ld be s in gin g , and so he m a k e st h i s n o te pred o m inate. When t h i s a c t u a l n o te i s n o t writcen in thepiano fo rte p a r t , he must ad d it in the tr e b l e c l e f , where it will p ip eloud a n d c l e a r foe the s i n g e r to hear.

      pianist highlights a note that singer should be singing

    37. T y p ic ally , t h e s e sta g in g c u e scome from, or to, the direc to r of the perform ance, and it greatlys im p lifie s h is t a s k of managing im p re ssio n s to h a v e suc h asu b te rra n ean lan g u ag e a v a ila b le .

      some of these aren't for bonding or fun- for the sake of performance itself aka stage cues

    38. As previouslysu g g e ste d , b a c k s ta g e derogation of the audien ce s e r v e s tomaintain the morale of th e team. And when the a u d ie n c e isp r e s e n t, c o n s id e r a t e treatm ent of them is n e c e s s a r y , not forth e ir sa k e , or for th e ir s a k e merely, but so that c o n tin u a n c eof peaceful and orderly in te r a c tio n will be a s s u re d

      derogation of audience actually serves a purpose- keeps morale of the team and bonds them in a way that allows them to maintain face during performance

    39. m ilarly, the team may ra c e in to b a c k s ta g e r e la x a tio n themoment th e a u d ie n c e h a s departed. By m eans o f th is purposelyrapid sw itc h into or out of th eir act, the team in a s e n s e canco n tam in ate and pro fa n ize the a u d ie n c e b y b a c k s ta g e conduct,o r rebel a g a in s t th e oblig a tio n of m aintain ing a show beforethe a u d ien c e, or make extrem ely c le a r the d iffe re n c e betw eenteam and a u d ie n c e , and do all of t h e s e th in g s without quitebeing c a u g h t out by th e au d ien c

      include the rapid swtich in beahviors?

    40. members o f th e team may refer to a s p e c t s of their routine in ac y n i c a l or purely te c h n ic a l way, giving forceful e v id e n c e tot h e m s e lv e s that they do not take the sa m e view of th eir a c tiv itya s the view they m aintain for th e ir a u d ie n c e .

      other type of communication referred for backstage- using cynical or strictly technical language to describe performance behaviors

    41. Sometimes membersof the a u d ie n c e are referred to not even by a s lig h tin g namehut by a code ti t l e which a s s i m i l a t e s them fully to an a b s tr a c tca te g o ry . T h u s d o c to rs in the a b s e n c e of a p a tie n t may referto him a s ‘ the c a r d i a c ’ or ' t h e s t r e p ; ’ barb ers privately referto th e ir c u s to m e r s a s ' h e a d s of h a i r

      other is downplaying of politeness or name calling

    42. not yet arrived, the perform erswill so m e tim e s play out a sa tir e on their inte raction with theau d ien c e

      part of this is satirical comments and role playing audience

    43. h e y very regularly d erogatethe a u d ie n c e in a way th a t i s in c o n s i s t e n t with the ( ac e-to -fac etreatm ent th a t i s given to the au d ien c e. In s e r v ic e tra d e s ,for example, c u s to m e r s who are tr e a te d r e sp e c tf u lly duringthe perform ance a re often ridiculed, g o s s i p e d abo ut, c a r ic a tu r e d ,c u rse d , an d c r it ic iz e d when the performers are b a c k s t a g e ;here, too, p la n s may be worked out for ' s e l l i n g ’ them, orem ploying ' a n g l e s ’ a g a i n s t them, o r pac ify in g t h e m .

      first type- trash talking audience

    44. O f the many t y p e s o f com municationin which the perform er e n g a g e s and which con v e y inform ationin c o m p atib le with the im pre ssio n o ffic ia lly m aintained duringin te r a c tio n , four t y p e s will be c o n s id e r e d : treatm ent o f thea b s e n t, s ta g in g ta lk , team c o llu s io n , and tem porary r ea lignm e nts

      4 types of communication not for the front stage?

    45. It may be r e p e a te dth a t no claim i s made th a t s u r re p tit io u s c o m m u n ic a tio n s areany more a r e fle c tio n of the re a l r e a lity than a re the o fficialco m m unication s with which they are i n c o n s i s t e n t ; the pointi s th a t th e perform er i s ty p ic a lly involved in both, and th isdual inv olvem ent must b e carefu lly m anaged l e s t o ffic ia lp r o je c tio n s be d i s c r e d ite d .

      !!! its not a reality and a deviation- there is an active participation in both as forming a sort of whole reality

    46. ' w e a k 1

      audience is this case is a loose term

    47. T h u s m others arein som e r e s p e c t s a c o lle a g u e grouping, and y e t ordinarily them is d e e d s of one, or her c o n f e s s io n s , do not seem to affectc l o s e l y the r e s p e c t th a t is a c co rd ed the other members. Onth e other hand, th e re are c o lle a g u e g ro u p in g s o f a morec o rp o ra te c h a r a c te r , w hose members are so c l o s e l y identifiedin the e y e s o f oth e r people th a t to so m e d eg re e the goodre puta tion of one p r a c titio n e r d e p e n d s on the good conduct ofth e o th e rs

      some colleague groups collective identity more tied than others could racial groups be considered a colleague group?

    48. R e n e g a d e s often take a moral sta n d , s a y in g that it isb e tte r to be tr u e to the id e a ls of the role th a n to the performerswho f a ls e ly p re se n t th e m s e lv e s in it. A d iffe ren t mode ofd isa ffe c tio n o c c u r s when a c o lle a g u e " g o e s n a t i v e ’ or becom esa b a c k slid e r, making no attem pt to m aintain th e kind of frontwhich h is auth o rized s t a t u s m a k es or le a d s h is c o l le a g u e sand th e au d ien c e to e x p e c t of him. Such d e v i a n ts a re s a id to' l e t down the s i d e . ’

      colleagues let colleagues down when don't retain secretive info

    49. o u d o n ’t cell on us and we won’t te ll on you

      colleagues form mutual agreements based on secretive information

    50. hid e from one an other c e r ta in th in g sth a t they hid from the a u d ien c e.

      while not coordinating performances together- they share secrets not disclosed to audience

    51. C o l le a g u e s may be defined a s p e rs o n s who p r e s e n t thes a m e routine to th e sam e kind of a u d ie n c e but who do notp a r ti c ip a te to g e th er, a s te am -m a tes do, at the sa m e tim e andp la c e before the sam e p a r tic u la r a u d ie n c e . C o lle a g u e s , >as it i ss a id , s h a re a community of face. In having to put on th e samekind of perform ance, they com e to know ea ch o th e r’s d if f i c u lt ie sand p o in ts of v i e w ; w hate v er th e ir to n g u e s, they com e to sp e akth e sa m e s o c ia l la n g u a g e .

      colleagues- put on similar performances for similar audiences but not apart of the same team

    52. C o n fid a n ts arep e r s o n s to whom th e performer c o n f e s s e s his s in s , freely,d e ta ilin g th e s e n s e in which t h e im pression given during aperform ance w a s merely an im p re ssio n . T y p ic a lly c o n f id a n tsare lo c a te d o u ts i d e and p a r tic ip a te only v ic a r io u s ly in backand front region a c tiv ity

      confidants- people who performers relay full feelings to- people whom they tell that the performance was a performance and what aspects felt like one.

    53. remembering and forg e ttin g

      can't disassociate from it

    54. r a in e r s tend to e v o k e for the performer a vividim age of h im self that he had r e p r e s s e d , a se lf-im ag e of som eone engaged in the clum sy and e m b a rra ssin g p r o c e s s ofbecoming.

      trainers bring about negative self-image not only have access to backstage but fully aware of the deficiencies within backstage as an imagined audience member

    55. r a i n i n g s p e c i a l i s t . ’ In d iv id u a ls who tak eth is role have the com plic ate d t a s k of te a c h in g the performerhow co build up a d e s ir a b le im p re ssio n w hile at the sametime taking the part of the future a u d ien c e and illu stratin gby p u n ish m en ts th e c o n s e q u e n c e s o f im proprieties

      training specialists - role of building up performer requires them to imagine perspective of audeince

    56. individual involved in u nseem ly e n ta n g le m e n ts may ta k eh is tr o u b le s to a Negro law yer b e c a u s e of the sham e he mightle e l before a w hite one

      what does that have to do with... anything

    57. We regularlyfind that c l ie n t s may reta in a s p e c i a l i s t not in order to obtainhelp with a show they are p u ttin g on for o th e rs but for thevery act that i s provided by having a s p e c i a l i s t attend them—e s p e c ia ll y if he h a s a higher general s t a t u s than his c l ie n ts

      sometimes acquisition of specialist themself is apart of the performance

    58. T h u s , for example,p s y c h o th e r a p i s ts who vic ario u sly p a r ti c ip a te s o widely inthe d o m e stic warfare of our tim e s are p led ged to rem ain s ile n tabout what they have le arn ed , e x c ep t to their s u p e rv is o rs.

      why emphasis on discretion so important- that trust is hard to build when there's little incentive for it to be mutual.

    59. th e s p e c i a l i s t d o e snot s h a re the risk, the guilt, and the s a t i s f a c t i o n of p r e s e n tin gbefore a n a u d ie n c e the show to which he h a s contributed.

      difference is the specialist doesn't have the same stake in secret being revealed AND main group doesn't learn any intimacies of the specialist

      • no reciprocal breakdown of front stage, specialist maintains front stage the whole time
    60. S ervices p e c i a l i s t s are lik e mem bers of the team in th at th e y learnth e s e c r e t s o f the show and o b ta in a b a c k s ta g e view of it.

      service specialists attend to front stage but often, must obtain backstage view and destructive information to do their job

    61. In suchs it u a ti o n s , the important show i s to show the o u tc a s t th a the i s b eing ignored, and the a c tiv ity th at i s c a r rie d on ino rd er to d e m o n strate t h is may i t s e l f be o f second aryim portance

      ignoring someone is a performance of itself

    62. In the c a s e of other s e rv a n t-lik er o le s in our s o c ie t y , su c h a s th a t o f e l e v a to r o p era to r andcab-driver, there s e e m s to be u n certainty on both s id e s ofthe r e la tio n sh ip a s to what kind of in tim a c ie s are p e rm issib lein the p r e s e n c e of the non-person

      givens servants functions as almost invisible but visible when necessary, confusion around what behavior acceptable before them

    63. A further d is c r e p a n t role may be co n s id e re d , th at of the ’ non-p e r s o n ; ’ th o s e who p la y th is role are p r e se n t during thein te ra c tio n but do not, in a s e n s e , ta k e the role e i th e r ofperformer or of a u d ien c e, nor do they ( a s do informers, s h i l l s ,a n d s p o tt e r s ) pretend to be what they are not

      shill, spotters, shoppers, and go-betweens perform role but don't adopt it?

    64. uiding the sho w on thefactory floor on b e h a lf of th e m an agerial a u d ien c e, but hem ust a l s o t r a n s l a t e what he k n ow s and what the a u d ien c es e e s into a verbal lin e which h i s c o n s c ie n c e and the a u d ien c ewill be w illing to a c c e p t

      foreman must maintain mindset of audience as well as performance director

    65. p eak e rstend to a c c e p t in v it a ti o n s to s p e a k on the a s su m p tio n thatth e chairm an will ' t a k e care of them ,' which he d o e s bybeing the very model of a li s t e n e r and thoroughly confirmingt h e notion th a t the s p e e c h h a s real s ig n ific a n c e . T h e c h a irman’s perform ance i s e ffec tiv e partly b e c a u s e the l i s t e n e r shave an ob lig a tio n to him, an o b lig a tio n to confirm anydefin ition o f the s it u a ti o n which he spo nsors, an ob lig a tio n ,in short, to follow the lis te n in g -lin e th a t he ta k e s .

      go-between example that's having a negative connotation chairman showing active listening skills to encourage audience. Offers direction to audience while providing encouragement to speakers? I kind of don't get how this differs from a regular shill

    66. T he go-between canbe thought of sim ply a s a d ouble-shill

      go between is a shill both ways a double sided sell out

    67. ejection

      is go between between audience and performer? Nonetheless, go-between serves as mediator and can convince both sides that they are loyal to the one but usually doesn't have allegiance to either.

    68. l e a v e s th e region when they do, but when h el e a v e s he g o e s to h is employer, a co m p etito r of the teamwhose perform ance he lias w itn e s s e d , to report what he h a sseen . lie i s the p ro fe ssio n a l sho pper—th e G im bel’s man inMacy's and the M acy’s man in Gimbel’s ; he is the fashionspy and the foreigner at N atio nal Air Meets

      another type of audience- scoping out the competition

    69. th e s ta n d a r d s th a t perform ers m aintain in order to e n s u rethat in som e r e s p e c t s fostere d a p p e a r a n c e s will not be toofar from r e a lity .

      some false audience for the sake of a performer

    70. wife

      also applies to interpersonal- wife acting like husbands story is interesting

    71. A shill i s someonewho a c t s a s though he were an ordinary member of the aud ien c ebut i s in fact in le a g u e with the perform ers

      shill- fake audience member thats actually a performer, used to inform audience on how to act

    72. a u d ien c e

      informer = a snitch

    73. mentioned

      varieties to the three

    74. O u ts id e r s know n e ith e r the s e c r e t s of the perform ance north e a p p e a r a n c e of r e a lity fostered by it

      outsiders not given impression provided by performance nor destructive information

    75. T he a u d ie n c e knowwhat th e y have been allow ed to p erc eive , q u alified by whatthey can g le an u n o ffic ia lly by c l o s e o b se rv a tio n

      audience knows what theyve been allowed to percieved

    76. P erform e rs area w a re of the im p re ssio n they fo ster and ordinarily a l s o p o s s e s sd e s tru c tiv e inform ation about the show

      performers aware of impressions offered by performance + destructive information

    77. them

      three roles can be distinguished by information they have access to

    78. th o s e who perform ; th o s e performed t o ; arid o u ts i d e r swho n e ith e r perform in the show nor o b se rv e it

      three roled- performance, audience, outsiders

    79. free

      above to paragraphs synthesize- some secrets if disclosed break trust while others do not, may even form bounds

    80. When th is i s :h e c a s e , su c h s e c r e t smay be d isc o v e re d or a c c id e n ta lly d is c lo s e d without r ad ic allyd isr u p tin g th e team perfo rm ance; th e perform ers need onlys h if t their s e c r e t d e lig h t to an other matter. Of c o u rse , s e c r e t st h a t are s t r a t e g i c a n d / o r dark s e rv e extrem ely well a s in sid es e c r e t s and we find, in fact, that the s tr a t e g ic and darkc h a r a c t e r of s e c r e t s i s often e x a g g e r a te d for t h is reason

      insider secrets only real stake is creating air of exclusivity for team if discovered- new secret will arise to create the affect

    81. In sid e s e c r e t s give o b je c tiv e in te lle c t u a l conten tto s u b j e c t i v e l y felt s o c ia l d i s t a n c e . Almost all informationin a s o c ia l e s ta b l is h m e n t h a s som e thing of this e x c lu sio n aryfunction and may be s e e n a s none of som ebody’s b u s in e s s

      inside secrets- objective intellectual content

    82. It may be addedth a t s e c r e t s th a t a r e merely s tr a t e g ic tend to be ones whichthe team e v e n tu a lly d i s c l o s e s , perforce, when ac tio n b a s e dupon s e c r e t p r e p a ra tio n s i s consum m ated, w h e r e a s an effortmay be made to keep dark s e c r e t s s e c r e t forever

      second type of secrets are strategic secrets- things hidden for sake of performance. Still hold a lot of weight and should appear that they don't exist- but in a way could be disclosed eventually.

      Strategies against opposition

    83. Darks e c r e t s are, of course, double s e c r e t s : one is the crucialfact that is hidden and an o th er is the fact that crucial f a c tshave not been openly adm itted. Dark s e c r e t s were consideredin Chapter One in the se c tio n on m is re p re se n ta tio

      first type of secrets = dark secrets incompatible with image and it cannot be know that the secret is being kept

    84. A b a s ic problem for many perform ances, then,i s that of information c o n tro l; the a u d ien c e must not acquired e s tru c tiv e information ab o u t the situ a tio n that is beingdefined for them. In o th e r words, a team must be able tokeep i t s s e c r e t s and have its s e c r e t s kep

      team must be able to keep secrets- some information is destructive for audience to learn

      • work example- cooking corn dog
    85. but rather trea ted a s if he were not there a t all or q u iteu ncerem oniously a s k e d to s ta y out

      often time intruding audience ignored or asked to leave - no use acting normal

    86. Rarely can th is be done smoothly enough toprese rve the new com er’s illu s io n that the show su d d e n ly puton i s th e perform er’s natu ral show. And eve n if th is ismanaged, the a u d ie n c e already p r e s e n t i s likely to feel thatwhat they had been tak in g for the perform er’s e s s e n t i a l s e lfw as not so e s s e n t i a l

      switching from what the audience accidentally saw to what the audience expects to see is always a rough transitition

    87. f course, if w a lls s e p a r a tethe cwo a u d ie n c e s , the performer ca n s u s t a i n the im p re ssio n she is fostering by darting rapidly from one region to another.T h is sta g in g d ev ice , p o s s i b le with tw o examining rooms, isin c re a sin g ly popular among American d e n t is ts and doctors

      this occurs even within the same service- one audience member can't know the service other audience member

      • break an illusion of personal intimacy or will let the know that they are getting sold out
    88. And, on the sa m e grounds, just;is it is co n v e n ie n t to play o n e 's different ro u tin e s beforelifferent p e r so n s, so a l s o is it convenient to s e p a r a te thedifferent a u d i e n c e s one h a s for the sam e routine, s i n c e thati s th e only way in which each a u d i e n c e can feel th a t whilethere may be o th e r a u d i e n c e s for the sam e rou tine, none isg e ttin g so d e s ir a b le a p r e se n ta tio n o| it. Here again frontregion control is important

      makes it easier to put on right performance for each person if different audiences are separated/ don't see other sides

      I HATE MIXING FRIEND GROUPS

    89. amely, th e o n e which th eperform ers or the a u d ie n c e would ordinarily p r e se n t beforeth e o u t s i d e r s at a time and p la c e when the o u ts i d e r s wouldbe th e a n tic ip a te d a u d ien c e

      outsiders cause problem when they are witnessing wrong performance????

    90. t must be allow ed thatone can become so h a b itu ated to o n e ’s front region a c tiv ityand front region c h a r a c t e r that it may be n e c e s s a r y to h a n d leo n e ’s rela xation from it as a perform ance. One may feelobliged, when b a c k s ta g e , to a c t out of c h a r a c t e r in a fam iliarfash io n and th is can com e to be more of a p o se than theperform ance for which it w as meant to provide a re la x a tio n

      one may feel more out of character (or still our of character) backstage in performance to other team members

    91. dec o ro u s.

      higher requirement of decorum for higher officials

    92. hus the higher o n e’s p la c e in the s t a t u s pyramid,th e sm a lle r the number of p e rs o n s with whom one can befamiliar, 1 the l e s s tim e one sp e n d s b a c k sta g e , and th e mor

      higher up someone the less the spend backstage

    93. When they arrive, of course , they find their newsitu a tio n h a s u n a n tic ip a te d s im ila r it ie s with their old o n e ;both involve a p r e s e n ta tio n of front to an a u d ie n c e and bothinvo lve the p r e se n te r in the grubby, g o ssip y b u s i n e s s ofsta g in g a show.

      downfall of upward mobility- forget the backstage world that all performances (such as our own) had

      "If you like a church don't join it"

    94. o f b a c k s ta g e behaviour

      frequently- we forgot the backstage of others whilst participating in a backstage environment ourselves

    95. Often it s e e m s th a t w hatever e n th u sia smand lively in te r e s t we have at our d i s p o s a l we r e s e rv e fort h o s e before whom we are putting on a show and th a t thes u r e s t sig n of b a c k s ta g e s o lid a rity is to feel th a t it is sa feto l a p s e into an a s s o c i a b l e mood of su llen , sile n t irritability

      while backstage is more relaxed and informal- doesn't make it more happy or care free - often all enthusiasm goes to what is done in front of audience and backstage is sullen

    96. Three common lim ita tio n s on b a c k sta g e informalitymay be cited . F irs t, when th e a u d ie n c e is not p rese n t, e a c hmember of the team i s lik ely to want to s u s t a i n the im pressionth a t lie can be tru ste d with th e s e c r e t s of the team and thathe is not likely to play his part badly when the aud ien c e ispresen t. While ea ch team member will want the audien ce tothink of him a s a worthy ch a ra c te r, he is lik e ly to want h isteam -m ates to think of him a s a loyal, w ell-d iscip lin edperformer. Secondly, there are often moments b a c k sta g ewhen the perform ers will have to s u s t a i n one a n o th e r ’s moraleand maintain the im pressio n that the show that is about tobe p re se n te d will go over well or that the show that h a s justbee n prese n ted did not really go over so badly. T hirdly, ifth e team c o n t a in s r e p r e s e n ta tiv e s of fundamental so c iald iv is io n s, suc h a s different ag e -g ra d es, different ethnicgroups, e tc ., then some d isc re tio n a ry lim its will prevail onfreedom of b a c k s ta g e ac tivity. Here, no doubt, the mostimportant d iv isio n is the se xual one, for th e re s e e m s to beno s o c ie t y in which members of the two s e x e s , however c lo s e lyre la te d , do not s u s t a i n some a p p e a r a n c e s before ea ch other.In America, for in sta n c e , we learn the following about WestC o a st s h ip y a rd s

      Three nuances of backstage informality: 1. team still wants to seem trustworthy like they can be trusted with secrets of the team 2. teammate must perform for sake of other teammates moral 3. divides on other factors amongst team members

    97. s t y l e s .

      no pure types

    98. egion co nduct i s one which d is a llo w s such p o te n tia llyo ffe n siv e behaviour.

      what if front stage meant to be offensive or provoking- I'm thinking of protests or uprisings

    99. Throughout our so c ie ty there te n d s to be one informal orb a c k s ta g e lan g u ag e o f behaviour, and an o th er lan g u ag e ofbehaviour for o c c a s i o n s when a perform ance is being p re se n te d

      society has front stage and back stage language