1,444 Matching Annotations
  1. Nov 2024
    1. T h u s the private office of an e x e c u tiv e isc e rta in ly the front region where his s t a t u s in the o rg a n iz a tio ni s in te n s iv e ly e x p r e s s e d by m eans of the quality of his officefu rn ish in g s. And yet it is here th at he ca n ta k e h is ja c k e toff, lo o se n h i s tie, keep a bottle of liquor handy, and act ina chummy and even b o is te r o u s way with fellow e x e c u t iv e sof h is own rank.

      back rooms and front rooms can change without even a change in equipment- depends on what room is being used for at one moment and who is present

    2. T h e d e c o r a tio n s an d permanent fix tu re s in a p la c e wherea p a r tic u la r perform ance is u s u a lly given, a s well a s theperform ers and perform ance u s u a lly found in it, tend to fix akin d of s p e l l over i t ; even w hen the custom ary perform ancei s not being given in it, the p la c e te n d s to retain so m e ofi t s front region ch a ra c te r.

      decorations allow for performance to continue even when performers are not there

    3. Another a r e a is s u g g e s te d by the veryw idespread tendency in our s o c iety to give perform ers controlover the p la c e in which they a tte n d to what are c a lle dbiological n e e d s.

      biological needs attended to in private for fear of breaking out of roles

    4. F irs t, we often find th a t control of b a c k s ta g e p la y s asig n ific a n t role in th e p r o c e s s of 'w o rk c o n t r o l ’ wherebyl de Beauvoir, op. c i L , p. 54 J.70

      performance often relies on the backrooms and the privacy of them

    5. Very commonly the back region of a performance is lo c a te dat one end of the place where the performance i s p rese n ted ,being cut off from it by a p a rtitio n and guarded p a s sa g e w a y

      break room at work

    6. A back region or b a c k s ta g e may be defined a s a p la c e ,r e la tiv e to a given perform ance, where the im pression f o ste re dby the perform ance i s knowingly co n tradicted a s a m a tte r ofco urse .

      backstage- where performance is openly acknowledged as the performance

    7. While in church, a womanmay be perm itted to s it, daydream, and even d o z e ; a s as a lesw o m a n on the floor of a d r e s s shop, she may be requiredto stand , keep alert, refrain from chew ing gum, keep a fixedsm ile on her f a c e even when not ta lk in g to anybody andwear c l o t h e s she ca n ill afford

      decorum is contextual- what you can do depends on where you are

    8. It may be noted that the part of p ersonal front we havec a l l e d ' m a n n e r ’ will be im portant in regard to p o lit e n e s sand th at the part we have c a lle d ’ a p p e a r a n c e ’ will be important in regard to decorum

      in personal front- - manner = politeness - appearance = decorum

    9. nstrumental requirem ents a re not e n d s in thems e l v e s and presumably refer to d u tie s such a s an employermight demand of his employe.es—ca re of property, m aintenanceof work le v e ls , e tc

      instrumental decorum - care of space??

    10. Moral requirem ents aree n d s in th e m s e lv e s and presum ably refer to ru les regardingnon-interference and non-m olestation of o th e rs, r u le s regarding s e x u a l propriety, r u le s regarding r e s p e c t for s a c r e dp la c e s , etc.

      moral requirements of decorum - respecting others space and propriety

    11. Onegrouping h as to do with the way in which the performer t r e a tsthe a u d ie n c e while engaged in tall: with them or in g e s tu ra lin te r c h a n g e s that are a s u b s t itu te for talk. These s ta n d a r d sare so m etim es referred to a s m a tte rs of p o lit e n e s s . T he othergroup of s ta n d a r d s h as to do with the way in which th e performer com ports himself while in visual or aural range of theaud ien c e but not n e c e s s a r ily engaged in talk with them.I sh a ll u s e the term decorum to refer to t h is seco nd groupof s ta n d a rd s, although some e x c u s e s and some q u a lif ic a tio n swill have to be added to justify the u sa g e

      politeness- performance while engaged with audience decorum- performance while disengaged with audience

    12. o, too, the show m a inta in ed on the floor of a shop ty p ic allyin v o lv e s s e v e r a l foci of verbal in te raction, each com posedof a tte n d a n t-c u sto m e r p airs

      one setting can have many performance interrelations occurring - cocktail party- many conversations

    13. However, in taking on the role of a performer, th eindividual n e e d not c e a s e to devote some o f his effort tonon-dram aturgical c o n c ern s, that is, to th e activity its e lfo f which th e perform ance offe rs an a c c e p ta b le dram atization

      some people in flip flop??- dramatic obligations + directive ones

    14. In gen eral, wefind th a t t h o s e who help p r e se n t a team -perform ance differin the d e g re e o f dram atic d o m inan ce given e a c h of them andth a t one team -ro utine diffe rs from an o ther in the e x te n t towhich d if f e r e n tia ls in d om inance a re given i t s members

      dramtic dominance different from directive dominance - star of the ballet or sports team isn't stage director or manager

    15. he d ire c to r is likelyto resp o n d to t h i s r e s p o n s ib ility by making dram aturgicald em a n d s on th e performance that chey might not make uponth e m s e lv e s . This may add to th e e s tra n g e m e n t they mayalre ad y feel from him. A director, h en c e, s ta r t in g a s a memberof th e team, may find him self slow ly edged into a marginalrole betw e en a u d ie n c e and perform ers, h a lf in and half out ofboth cam ps, a kind of go-betw een w ithout the p rotec tion thatg o -b e tw e e n s u s u a lly have. T h e factory foreman h a s beena r e c e n tly d i s c u s s e d example.

      audience holds director to performance more than anyone else responding with higher demands on other performers, sets them apart

    16. S econdly, the d irec tor may be given the s p e c ia l duty ofa l lo c a tin g th e p a r ts in the perform ance and the personal frontthat i s em ployed in ea ch part, for each e s ta b lis h m e n t maybe s e e n a s a p la c e with a number of c h a r a c t e r s to d is p o s eo f to p r o s p e c tiv e performers and a s an a s s e m b l a g e of signequipment or cerem onial p ara p h ern alia to be a llo c a te d

      gives roles and sets the stage

    17. Often, of co u rse , th e d irec tor will not s o much hav e to smotherimproper affec t as he will have to stim u la te a show of properaffec tiv e in vo lv e m e n

      often requires inciting people to action as opposed to dampening their behavior

    18. i r s t , th e direc to r may be given th e s p e c i a l duty of bringing baclc into line any member of the team w hose perform ancebecom es u n s u ita b le

      keep performers in line with performance

    19. important

      role of director is two functions

    20. T h e obv io u s point muse be sta te d chat if th e team is cos u s t a i n che im p re ssio n chat ic i s fostering , then chere mustbe som e a s s u r a n c e that no individual will be allow ed tojoin boch team and a u d ie n c e

      can't join both team and audience

    21. In many im portant s o c i a l s it u a ti o n s ,how ever, th e s o c ia l s e ttin g in w hich the in te ra c tio n o c c u rsis a s s e m b l e d and m anaged by one of the t e a m s only, andc o n t r i b u te s in a more intim ate way to the show th is teamp u ts on than to thfe show put on in r e s p o n s e by the otherteam.

      while audience and performer can always apply to both teams, many instances where one team has more control, vested interest, and more intimately organizes performance - salesperson

    22. T h u s, in larges o c ia l e s ta b l is h m e n ts , where se v e ra l different s t a t u s grade sprevail, we find that for the duration of any particular interaction, p a r ti c ip a n ts of many d ifferent s t a t u s e s are ty pic allye x p e cted to alig n th e m s e lv e s temporarily into two team groupi n g s.

      when many different status available- very frequently to performers sort themselves into two performance groups

    23. Similarly,th o s e who are known to become in to x ic a te d when drink isa v a ila b le and who become verbose or ' d ifficult ’ when chiso c c u r s c o n s titu t e a perform ance risk, a s do those who areso b e r but foolishly in d is c r e e t, and th ose who re fu se to ' e n t e rinto th e s p i r i t ’ of the o c c a s io n and help s u s ta in the im pressionthat the g u e s t s ta c itly u n ite in maintaining to the h o st

      Anyone stepping out of line poses as performance risk - not just the reckless - drunks become difficult = performance risk - recluse who isn't enthusiastic enough when it requires also = performance risk

    24. And, of c o u r s e , this kind of s o lid a rityin the p r e s e n c e o f s u b o r d in a t e s a l s o o c c u rs when perform ersa re in the p r e s e n c e of su p e ro r d in a te s

      solidarity in performance always focused on putting up front in front of subordinates

    25. T o withhold froma te aii-m a te information about the s ta n d h is team i s takingi s to w ithhold his c h a r a c te r from him, for without knowingwhat sta nd he will be ta k in g he may not be a b l e to a s s e r t as e lf to th e au d ien c e

      withholding information from teammate = withholding identity

    26. In other words, in s ta g in ga definitio n of the situ atio n , it may be n e c e s s a r y for th ese v e r a l m em bers of the team to be unanim ous in the p o s it io n sth e y ta k e and s e c r e ti v e about th e fact that t h e s e p o s itio n sw ere noc in d e p en d e n tly arrived at.

      performers must form unanimous agreements while concealing the fact that such agreements had to be made amongst members

      Lol this is so ironic- each member must perform as though they embody a role so wholly that they didn't even need to decide on something

    27. It se e m s to be g enerally felt th a t pub lic d isa g re em entamong the members of the team not only in c a p a c i t a t e s themlor united action but a l s o e m b a r ra s s e s the r e a lity spo nso redby the team. To protect th is im pre ssion of rea lity, membersof the team may be required to postpon e taking public s ta n d suntil the p o sitio n of th e team has been s e t t l e d ; and oncethe te am ’s sta n d h a s been tak en, all members may be obligedto follow it.

      to maintain united front- team members wait until not in public to disagree

    28. O ther m eansto e n d s , s u c h a s fo rce o r b arg a in in g power, may be in c r e a s e dor d e c r e a s e d by s t r a t e g i c m a n ipula tion of im p r e s s io n s , butt h e e x e r c i s e of f o rc e or barg a in in g pow er g iv e s to a s e t ofin d iv i d u a l s a s o u r c e of group formation u n c o n n e c te d withthe fact th a t on c e r ta in o c c a s i o n s t h e group th u s formed i sl i k e l ^ t o a c t, d r a m a tu r g ic a lly sp e a k in g , a s -a te am

      huh

    29. nformal ag re e m e n t i s not a criterio n for defining thec o n c e p t of team

      performers can be bonded by an informal agreement or not

    30. Similarly, agirl a t a party who is flagrantly a c c e s s i b l e may be sh unnedby th e other g irls who a r e p r e s e n t, but in c e r ta in m a tte rs sh eis part of th e ir team and c a n n o t fail to th rea ten the d efin itio nthey are c o l le c tiv e ly m a in ta in in g th a t g ir ls a re d ifficu lt s e x u a lp r iz e s .

      great example- team members can't always easily be disposed of

      individual behavior becomes a reflection of everyone when in this case, they're not even friends or allied

    31. mong te am -m a tes , th ep riv ile g e of f a m ilia rity —which may c o n s titu t e a kind of intim acywithout warm th—nee d not be s o m e th in g of an organic kind,slow ly d ev e lo p in g with the p a s s a g e o f tim e s p e n t to ge th er,but rath e r a formal r e la tio n s h i p th a t i s a u to m a tic a lly e x te n d e dan d r e c e iv e d a s soon a s the in dividual t a k e s a p la c e on th eteam

      creates a formal intimacy or familiarity

    32. th e y will hardly be in a p o sitio n to m aintainthat p a r ti c u la r im p r e s s io n before o n e another

      performer rarely performs part in team performance for the sake of his other teammates- define the other as someone " in the know"

    33. Where s ta f f a n d lin e s t a t u s e s tend to d iv id ean o rg a n iz a tio n , perform ance t e a m s may te n d to in te g ra tet h e d iv is io n s

      performance across social or other divides usually unites people while performance divided leads to divides in teams

    34. E ac h team -m ate i s forced to rely on t h e good conduct andb e ha viour o f h i s fello w s, and they, in turn, a r e forced to relyon him

      teammates need to trust that the other will maintain face

    35. h i s p o s s i b i l i t y l e a d s u s to c o n s id e r a further o n e. T h eind iv id u al may p r iv a te ly m aintain s t a n d a r d s of b ehaviour whichhe d o e s not p e r s o n a lly b e l ie v e in, m a in ta in in g t h e s e s t a n d a r d sb e c a u s e of a liv e ly b e l ie f that an u n s e e n a u d i e n c e i s p r e s e n twhich will p u n ish d e v i a ti o n s from t h e s e s ta n d a r d s . In o th e rwords, an ind iv id u al may be h i s own a u d i e n c e or may im a g in ean a u d i e n c e to be p r e s e n

      The audience doesn't even need to be other people- it can be an imagined outward judgement or assessment of action that directs a performance when no one is looking

      that one Margaret Atwood quote

    36. Given t h i s point of refe re n c e ,it i s p o s s i b l e to a s s i m i l a t e su c h s i t u a t i o n s a s tw o-personi n te r a c tio n into th e framework by d e s c r ib in g t h e s e s i t u a t i o n sa s tw o-team in te ra c tio n in w hich ea ch team c o n t a i n s only o n emember

      can look at every coordinated performance as teams if in one-on-one each team only has one member

    37. an em ergent team im p re ssio n a r i s e s whichcan c o n v e n ie n tly be tr e a te d a s a fact in i t s own right, a s athird le v el of fact lo c a te d betw e en th e in d iv id u a l perform anceon one hand and th e to ta l in te ra c tio n of p a r ti c ip a n ts on th eother.

      teamwork- yes everybody puts in their own role and performs at different levels of adequacy but the overall impression or effectiveness in selling their performance can be examined almost independent of each individual performance

    38. hen o u t s i d e r s ace p r e s e n t , th e to u ch o( b u s i n e s s l i k e formality i se v e n more im portant. You may c a l l your s e c re ta ry ' M a r y ' a n d y o u tp a r t n e r ' J o e * all d ay , bu t when a str a n g e r c o m es inn) your office yoush ou ld t efet to your a s s o c i a t e s a s you would e x p e c t the s t r a n g e r toa d d r e s s t h e m : M is s or Mr- You may h av e a r u nn ing jo k e w i t h thesw it c h b o a rd o p e r a t o r, but you let :t ride when you ar e p l a c i n g a callin an o u t s i d e r ' s h e a r in

      like teachers switching up and calling each other "Ms. -----" in front of students

    39. In g en e ral, th en, a s e t o f in d iv id u a ls who c o -o p e ra te in s ta g in ga s in g l e r o u tin e may be referred to a s a perform ance teamor, in sh o rt, a team

      these people called a team

    40. When s h e a s s u m e s a re sp e c tfu l role, hecan a s s u m e a dom inant o n e ; and when ea ch member of them arriag e team p l a y s i t s s p e c ia l role, the co n ju g al unit, a s aunit, c a n s u s t a i n t h e im p re ssio n th a t new a u d i e n c e s e x p e c tof it.

      the expression of one role reliant on the proper expression of the other roles in performance

    41. B ut m ost im po rtant o f a ll, we commonly find that th e d efin ition of t h e s it u a ti o n p r o je c te d by a p a r ti c u la r p a r tic ip a n t i san in te g ra l p art o f a p ro je c tio n th a t i s f o s te r e d and s u s t a in e dby t h e in tim a te c o -o pe ra tion of more than o n e p a rtic ip a n t,and, m oreover, that ea ch member o f suc h a tro u p e or c a s tof p la y e r s may be req u ired to a p p e a r in a different light ifth e te a m ’ s o v e ra ll effec t i s to be s a t i s f a c t o r y .

      oftentimes- the performance requires participants who perform roles which require adopting demeanor's

    42. sc o p e

      personality or personal front still for a larger purpose and end goal

    43. product

      everything about a profession is catered for audience to trust in service or product

    44. h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the t a s k th a t i s perform edan d not t h e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f th e perform e

      performance catered to task at hand- rarely to performer

    45. In th in king abo u t a perform ance it i s e a s y to a s s u m e th a tthe c o n te n t of t h e p r e s e n ta tio n i s merely an e x p r e s s i v e exte n sio n of th e c h a r a c t e r of th e perform er and to s e e th e functionof th e p erfo rm an ce in t h e s e p e rso n a l term s

      can't think of presentation as just an extension of the performer

    46. h e s e in h ib i tio n s o f thea u d i e n c e allow th e perform er som e elbow-room in buildingup an im p r e s s ip n o f h i s own c h o i c e and allow him to function,for h i s own good or the a u d i e n c e ’ s, a s a pro tec tio n or a threatth a t c l o s e i n s p e c t io n would d es tro

      the sphere allows space for performer to do what they need to do to maintain the performance, even if their concealed behavior would break down the performance altogether if witnessed by the audience

    47. A s p h e re of t h i s s o r t i s p l a c e d aroundman by h i s ' h o n o r . 1 L a n g u a g e very po ig n an tly d e s i g n a t e s an i n s u l tto o n e s honor a s 'c o m i n g too c l o s e : ’ the r a d i u s of t h i s s p h e r e m arks,a s it w er e, t h e d i s t a n c e w h o s e t r e s p a s s i n g by an o th e r p e r s o n i n s u l t so n e ' s honor.

      idea of "honor" and personal integrity protect the individual in their concealment wrong to break through this sphere

    48. prohibit the a u d ie n c e from lo ok inga t the performer at all, and at tim e s when c e le s c ia l q u a l i t i e sand pow ers have been claim ed by a performer, t h i s lo g ic alco n c lu sio n s e e m s to hav e been put into effect

      one strategy, direct attention elsewhere besides performer and what is demonstrated by the elsewhere reflects on to performer's character

    49. If we s e e p e r c e p tio n a s a form of c o n t a c t and communion,»c con tro l o v e r what i s p e rc eiv e d i s con tro l over c o n ta c tth a t i s mr.J-

      control over perceptions i control over contact made!!

    50. B e c a u s eof th e s e s h a re d dram atic c o n t in g e n c ie s , we ca n profitablystu d y p erfo rm an ce s th a t a re quite f a ls e in order to learn abouto n e s that a re q u ite h o n e s

      because even the liars and honest want to be presumes as honest, looking at how the nonhonest perform and work to legitimate their authority shows us how the already legitimate do it?

    51. c o n c e a l

      one area of concealment can make performer nervous about unrelated thing and throw whole performance off

    52. With s u c hs t r a t e g i c a l l y lo c a te d p o i n t s of r e ti c e n c e , it i s p o s s i b l e tom aintain a d e s ir a b le status quo in the r e la tio n s h ip w ithouth a v in g to ca rry out rigidly th e im p l ic a tio n s of t h i s ag re e m e n tin all a r e a s of life

      One can maintain a status quo without rigid adherence to all demands of performance in the relationship

    53. h e la rg e r t h e number of m a tte rs an d th e la rg e rth e number o f a c tin g p a r ts which fall within th e domain of thero le or r e la tio n s h i p , the more lik e lih o o d , it would seem , forp o in ts o f s e c r e c y to e x i s t.

      larger number of matters and parts of relationship = more points of secrecy

    54. Although p a r ti c u la r p erfo rm an ce s,a n d even p a r t i c u l a r p a r t s or r o u tin e s , may p l a c e a perform erin a p o sitio n of h aving nothing to h id e , so m ew here in thefull round of h is a c t i v i t i e s th e re will b e so m e th in g h e c a n n o tt r e a t o p e n ly

      almost always there are things someone cannot openly address within performance

    55. We find th at c h a r la ta n p ro fe s s io n a l a c tiv ityo f o n e d e c a d e b ec o m e s an a c c e p t a b l e le g itim a te o c c u p a tio nin th e next. 3 We find th a t a c t i v i t i e s which a r e thought tobe l e g itim a te by so m e a u d i e n c e s in our s o c ie ty are thoughtby o th e r a u d i e n c e s to be r a c k e ts

      what is a lie and what is legitimate all highly flexible, temporally and culturally informed

    56. F u rth e r, in e v e ry d ay li f e it i s u s u a l l y p o s s i b l e forthe perform er to c r e a te in te n tio n a lly a lm o st any kind o f f a l s eim p re ssio n without pu ttin g h im s e lf tn th e in d e f e n s ib le p o sitio no f having told a c l e a r - c u t lie . Com m unication t e c h n iq u e ssuch a s innuendo, s t r a t e g i c am bigu ity, an d crucial o m is s io n sa llow th e m isinform er to profit from l i e s w ithout, te c h n ic a l ly ,te llin g any

      A lot of ways to lie without directly lying, yet, "bare-faced" lies are the ones with all the consequences

    57. t i s f e lt to be all right for im m ig ran ts toim p e r s o n a te n a t iv e A m eric an s in d r e s s and in p a t t e r n s ofdecorum but £a«L it is s t i l l a doubtful m atter to A m eric an iz eo n e ’s n a m e 2 or o n e ’s n o s e

      iffy definitions of what is a valid personification of something othered or something you're not. Not all of them considered bad but the categorization of what is okay and not okay is highly flexible

    58. F u r t h e r

      random- Goffman never uses term identity- there's something there

    59. r e a l l y .

      "really" as a flexible term of legitimating one's performance - they're not "really" something can be something objective or subjective

    60. la im s tob e a law g r a d u a te ca n b e e s t a b l i s h e d a s valid or invalid, butc laim s to be a friend, a true b e lie v e r, or a m usic lo v e r can beconfirmed or d isc onfirm ed only m o re-o r-le ss.

      line is more blurred where claims to be something have less tangible means of legitimating

    61. we may h a v e some sym pathy for th o s ewho hav e but o n e fata l flaw an d who attem pt to c o n c e a l thefac t th a t they are, for exam ple, e x - c o n v ic ts , deflow ered,e p i le p t ic or r a c ia ll y impure, i n s t e a d of adm itting th e ir faultand making an ho n o u rab le attem pt to liv e it down

      have empathy for those with one hidden thing vs those who conceal everything

    62. Mythology and our popularm a g a z in e s , in fa c t, are full o f rom antic s t o r i e s in w hich th ev illa in and the hero both make fraud ulent c l a i m s that ared is c r e d ite d in th e l a s t ch a p te r, the v illa in p roving not to hav ea high s t a t u s , th e hero proving not to h a v e a low one

      not usually offended when someone is acting down- acting as a lower status than they actually are

    63. a u th o riz a tio n to play a part and th e c a p a c ity to play it

      we get offended by these performers who aren't who they say they are because they weaken our belief in a connection between authority to perform apart and the capability to play the part - one can act and not have the credentials, what does that mean for everyone else?

    64. hen we d i s c o v e r th a t som e on e with whom we h a v ed e a l i n g s i s a n im p o s to r and out-and-out fraud, we are d i s c o v e rin g th a t he did not hav e th e right to play th e part he p la y e d ,th a t he w a s n o t an a c c r e d i te d incum bent o f the r e le v a n t s t a t u s

      When we find out someone is a fraud, what we discover is that they did not have authority to play the part they played- they don't have the means of status by the right materials or legitimating factors

    65. We often feel that it i s ju s t t h e s e te rrib le ev e n tu a l i t i e s , which a r i s e from being c a u g h t out, flagrante delicto,in a p a t e n t a c t o f m is re p re s e n t a ti o n , th a t an h o n e s t perform eri s a b l e t o avo id . T h i s c o m m o n -se n se view h a s lim ite d a na l y t i c a l u tility .

      in our heads- a true or honest performer- would not mess up. Assumption that there IS an honest performer or someone who embodies something without a need for front. This view isn't analytically very applicable

    66. s mem bers o f t h e a u d i e n c e i t i s natural for u s to feelth a t th e im p re ssio n th e perform er s e e k s to g iv e may be trueo r f a l s e , g en u in e or s p u rio u s, v alid or ' p h o n y .

      as members, we assess validity or phoniness of performance

    67. s h e s t r i v e s ro identify h e r s e l f with t h i s figure an dt h u s to se em t o h e r s e l f to be s t a b i l i z e d , j u s t i f i e d in her sple n do r

      identification with a figure- not with oneself

    68. A c e r ta in b u re a u c ra tiz a tio n of thes p i r i t i s e x p e c t e d s o that we can be relied upon to give ap e rfe c tly h o m o g e n e o u s perform ance at every ap p o in te d time.A s S a n ta y a n a s u g g e s t s , t h e s o c i a l i z a t i o n p r o c e s s not onlytr a n s f ig u r e s , it f i x e s

      we do not let or are expected not to allow momentary emotions to impact performance- should be homogenous

    69. In oth e r w ords, .we must be p repared to s e e th a t the im p re ssio nof r e a lity f o s te r e d by a perform ance i s a d e l ic a te , fra gile th in gt h a t can be s h a t t e r e d by very minor m is h a p s

      our presentations are fragile and easily destroyed by minor mishaps

    70. nglo-Am erican s o c ie t y must often p a s s a s tr ic tt e s t of a p t n e s s , f i t n e s s , propriety, .and decorum

      we usually designate strict social expectations of presentation to other cultures but exist well within our own.

    71. from in a d e q u a te dram aturgicalilirection
      1. performer can be unorganized or do the inappropriate actions
    72. m p re ssio n th a t he i s to o much ortoo l i t t l e c o n c e rn e d with the in te r a c tio n
      1. actor can make it seem like they care too much or care too little
    73. him self.
      1. examples of incapability
    74. h r e e rough g ro u p in g s o f t h e s e e v e n t s may bem e ntio ned.

      three examples in slip ups of the facade

    75. It h a s b e e n s u g g e s te d th a t th e perform er c a n rely uponh is a u d ie n c e to a c c e p t minor c u e s a s a sign of som ethingim portant about h i s perform ance. T h i s c o n v e n ie n t fa c t h a s anin c o n v e n ie n t im plica tio n . By v irtu e of th e same sig n -ac ce p cin gten d en c y , th e a u d ie n c e may m is u n d e r s ta n d th e m eaning th a t ac u e w a s d e s ig n e d to con vey, or may r e a d an e m b a rra ssin gm eaning into g e s t u r e s or e v e n t s that were a c c i d e n t a l , ina d v e r te n t, in c id e n t a l or not meant by the perform er co carryany m eaning w h ats o ev e r

      takes very little to signal this meaning- susceptible to misinterpretation

    76. In our com m ercial lif e t h i s c h a r a c t e r i s t i co f p e rfo rm a n c e s h a s b een e x p lo ite d a n d maligned u nder th erubric ' p e r s o n a l i z e d s e r v i c e ; ’ in o th e r a r e a s of life we makej o k e s about ' t h e b e d - s id e m a n n e r ’ o r ' t h e g la d h a n d .

      often beneficial for actor to downplay routinization of actions- act like that interact is special, personal, meaningful, etc.

    77. h e a u d i e n c e ca n s e e a g r e a t s a v in g of tim e and em otionalenergy in th e righ t to tr e a t th e performer a t o c c u p a tio n a lfa e e - v a lu e , a s if t h e perform er w ere all a n d on ly what h i suniform c la im e d him to be.

      Not always a demand for "authenticity" - audience benefits from seeing front appropriate for the context of THEIR relation to the individual

    78. S im ilarly, m edical s c h o o l s in Am erica te n d torec ru it th eir s t u d e n t s partly on the b a s i s o f e t h n i c orig in s,an d c e r ta in ly p a t ie n t s , c o n s id e r t h i s fac to r in c h o o s in g th e ird o c t o r s ; but in t h e a c tu a l in te r a c t io n betw e en d o c to r andp a tie n t the im p re ssio n i s a l lo w e d to d e v e lo p that th e d o ctori s . a d octor b e c a u s e o f s p e c i a l a p t i t u d e s a s well a s s p e c ia ltraining .

      both med schools and patients act like they choose doctors on aptitude and training as opposed to ethnic origins

    79. clergym en g iv e th e im p re ssio n th a t they e n te r e d th e churchb e c a u s e o f a c a ll o f fe lt v o c a tio n , in America te nding toc o n c e a l th e ir i n t e r e s t in moving up s o c i a l l y , in B rita in te ndingto c o n c e a l th e ir i n t e r e s t in not moving to o far down

      conceal motives that break idea of what a "good" clergymen should do

      Can you be a good clergymen and still wish to progress socailly?

    80. Reinforcing t h e s e id e a l i m p r e s si o n s we find a kin d of ' r h e t o r i c of tr a in in g ,' w hereby labourunions, u n i v e r s i t i e s , tr a d e a s s o c i a t i o n s , and o th e r l i c e n s in gb o d ie s re q u ire p r a c t i t i o n e r s to a b s o rb a m y s t ic a l rang e andp e rio d of train in g , in p a rt to maintain a monopoly, but inpart to f o s te r th e im p r e s s io n th a t th e l i c e n c e d p r a c titio n e ri s som eone s e t a p a r t from o th e r me

      training extensive to five image that they are set apart

    81. d e a l m o tiv e s for a c q u irin g the role in whichth e y are perform ing, th a t th e y have id e a l q u a l if ic a tio n s fort h e role, an d th a t it w a s not n e c e s s a r y for them to su ffe ran y in d ig n i tie s , in s u l t s , an d h u m ilia tio n s, or make an y ta c it ly -u n d e rsto o d ' d e a l s , ' in o rd er to a c q u ire th e role.

      fulfill idealized ideas of routines and roled

    82. s e r v i c e .
      1. one thing is more important that it is good than the other, in this case, the other is concealed
    83. fourth
      1. some of the work is "dirty work"
    84. T h ird ly
      1. it is not in the end producrt
    85. econdly
      1. error and msitakes
    86. F i r s t ,

      4 reasons to conceal 1. it is incompatible with audience view of activity

    87. book

      can hide both little and extended efforts

    88. It h a s beens u g g e s t e d t h a t th e sa m e so rt of beh aviour, which we may referto a s ‘ s e c r e t c o n s u m p t i o n ’, ca n be found am ong the H indus.

      many people consume things in secret to keep up an image

    89. In a s e n s e su c h i m p r e s s i o n s a re i d e a li z e d , too, for if th eperform er i s to b e s u c c e s s f u l h e m u st offer th e kin d of s c e n eth a t r e a l i z e s t h e o b s e r v e r s ’ extrem e s t e r e o t y p e s o f h a p l e s spov erty

      never a performance about bettering or reflecting what is really there, people embody identities for a certain result

    90. I h a v e been told by S h e tla n d e r s th a t theic g ra n d f a th e rsu s e d to refrain from improving t h e a p p e a r a n c e of th e c o t ta g ele sc th e la ir d ta k e suc h im p rov em ents a s a sig n th a t in c r e a s e dr e n t s could be e x t r a c te d from them

      while reasons for hiding lack of material wealth and making it seem like one has more, other instances requires or rewards the downplaying of material wealth. A. Serving a lot of food when guests are over even if you live off very little. B. Letting your house look bad so landlords don't think they can charge extra

    91. m erica w h o se m em bers h a v e felt th a tsome a s p e c t o f every p erfo rm an ce o u g h t to play down thee x p r e s s io n o f s h e e r w ealth in o rd er to f o ste r th e im p re ssio nth a t s ta n d a r d s reg a rd in g birth, c u ltu r e , or moral e a r n e s t n e s sa r e t h e o n e s th a t p r e v a i

      even in America is material wealth is downplayed as if other moral standards are stronger forces for prosperity

    92. not in d iv id u a ls , but a l s o a so n e in w hich p e rf o rm a n c e s te n d to e s t a b l i s h favourable c l a i m sre g a rd in g n o n-m aterial v a l u e s

      Indian caste system allows for social movement in non-material gains (by adopting certain belief systems and practices) which re-centers the lower classes around the practices that allow for them to be upwardly mobile

    93. h e p ro p e r s ig n -eq u ip m en t h a s bee n o b ta in e d and fam iliarityg a in e d in t h e m an ag e m en t of it, then t h i s equipm ent c a n beu s e d to e m b e llis h and illu m in e o n e ’s daily p e rfo rm a n c e s w itha fa v o u r a b le s o c ia l s ty le

      minimal separation between the status and the front- Here, Goffman doesn't distinguish something like yearly income attaining status than the means to attain the front of a certain status

    94. Commonly we find that upward mobility in v o lv e s th e p r e s e n tatio n of proper p erform ances and that effo rts to move upwardand e ffo rts to keep from moving downward a re e x p r e s s e d inte rm s of s a c r i f i c e s made for the m a in te n a n c e of front.

      upward mobility frequently requires presenting a proper performance and the efforts to move up are expressed in maintaining the front that someone is of a higher class

    95. iis p erform ance will te n d to in c o rp o rate and exemplify th eo ffic ia lly a c c r e d i te d v a l u e s ot th e s o c ie t y , more so , in fact,limn d o e s h i s behavio ur a s a whole.

      performance is more focused on living up to standard societal expectations than an individuals actual behabior

    96. T h e a r i s t o c r a t i c h ab it, •ith a s b een s a id , i s one th a t m o b il iz e s all t h e minor a c t i v i t i e s ofl i f e w hich fall o u t s i d e th e s e r io u s s p e c i a l i t i e s of o th e r c l a s s e sa n d i n j e c t s in to t h e s e a c t i v i t i e s an e x p r e s s io n of c h a r a c t e r ,pow er, and high rank

      some say aristocracy is injecting expressions of character into minor activities

    97. he w ill be c o n c e r n e d not so much with th e full roundof t h e d if fe r e n t r o u t i n e s he perform s but only w ith th e o n efrom which h i s o c c u p a t io n a l r e p u ta tio n d e r iv e s .

      not about doing his best in ALL routines- focus on the one his identity most invested in?

    98. When we e x a m in e a group or c l a s s , we find th a t them em bers o f it tend to in v e s t th e ir e g o s primarily in c e r ta inr o u tin e s , g ivin g l e s s s t r e s s to th e o th e r o n e s w hich th e y p e rform.

      people often choose a certain routine to invest own ego into

    99. T h o s e who hav e th e time and ta len t to performa t a s k well may not, b e c a u s e of th is , h av e the tim e or ta le n tto make it apparenc that they are perform ing well.

      Performing a task well takes time away from the effort required to LOOK like you're performing a task well

    100. T h u s to furnish a h o u s e so that it will e x p r e s s sim ple, qu ietdignity, th e h o u s e h o ld e r may h a v e to r a c e to a u c tio n s a l e s ,h a g g l e with a n tiq u e d e a le rs , an d doggedly c a n v a s s a ll th elo c al s h o p s for proper w allp ap e r an d cu rta in m a te ria ls

      Creates an irony "It takes a lot of work to make this look easy" One embodies the characteristics not present in the role itself for the appearance of the role. Sometimes this characteristics contradict the role.

    101. M erchan ts, too, often findth a t they must cha rge hig h p r i c e s for th in g s that look intrins i c a l l y e x p e n s iv e in order to c o m p e n s a te the e s ta b l is h m e n tfor e x p e n s iv e t h in g s lik e in s u r a n c e , s la c k p erio d s, e tc ., thatnever a p p e a r before th e c u s to m e rs ’ e y

      merchants overcharge for things that look expensive (are in which to role of money is dramatically fulfilled) so that they can pay for what costs but is not dramatic

    102. he n u r s e s a r e “ w a s t i n g r i m e 0 u n l e s s they a r e d a r t i n g ab ou td oin g so m e v i s i b l e t h i n g s u c h a s a d m i n i s t e r i n g h y p o d e r m i

      issue- exists a nonbelief in other people that are doing fulfilling their role unless they see a dramatized representation of the task

    103. In many c a s e s , h ow ever, d r a m a tiz a tio n o f o n e 's work d o e sc o n s t i t u t e a problem .

      sometimes this dramatization becomes an issue

    104. h e must give an i n s t a n t a n e o u sd e c i s i o n so th a t th e a u d i e n c e will b e s u r e th a t h e i s s u r e o fh i s jud g e m en

      example- umpire must act sure of call for the sake of their own authority

    105. confirm atory f a c ts th a t might o th e rw is e rem ain un-ap p a re n t or o b s c u r e .

      actors constantly confirming own role

    106. but su c h e x c l u s i v e u s e ofsign equipm ent i s the e x c e p tio n rath er than the rule

      just notes that equipment is rarely so case specific

    107. found

      certain items can be found in a range of routines and fronts while others will be found in just a few

    108. D ental Corp’s c a p t a i n s , many of them of a tow e th n ic origin,c ou ld h a v e b e e n g iv e n a rank th a t would p e r h a p s hav e beenmore s u i t a b l e in the e y e s of t h e Army than the c a p t a i n c i e sthey w ere a c t u a l l y giv en

      issues of taks that are "between ranks" arise- in the instance of nurse and doctor it relates to the capability of the professional but also what is "right" for the position.

      Feels a but more about organization that social expectation tbh

    109. An i n t e r e s t i n g i l l u s t r a t i o n of th e dilem m a of s e l e c t i n g ana p p r o p r ia te front from s e v e r a l not q uite f ittin g o i'e s may befound to d a y in A m erican m e d ic a l o r g a n i z a t i o n s with r e s p e c t toth e t a s k o f a d m in is t e r in g a n e s t h e s i a

      often the front or selection of t- or title- isn't suitable for all the tasks at hand

    110. T h u s , when a ta s k i sg ive n a new front we seldom find that the front it is g iv e n isi t s e l f new

      if a task associated with a new appearance- the front itself is rarely new its just new for the task

    111. As a com prom ise, th e full ran g e of d iv e rs ity is cutat a few crucial p o in ts , and all t h o s e w ithin a given brac ketare allo w ed or o b lig e d to m a in ta in the sam e s o c ia l front ince r ta in s it u a t i o n

      diversification of society too vast- break up into distinct categories and provide based on those- allowing or forcing people to maintain social front

    112. will be perform ed in what h a s becom e a s ta n d a r d iz e d , c l i n i c a l ,c o n f id e n tia l manner.

      appearances provide a expectations for manner and behavior someone should expect- varying thing such as actions become standardized, ease the stress of someone like a client.

    113. r o v id e s u s w ith a m e a n s of s timu la tin g our i n t e r e s t in and a t te n t io n to e x c e p t i o n s

      our ideal type is when the manner and appearance of presentation match

    114. d e al type

      Weber

    115. d r e s s e d in th e g arm e n ts o f a high p o s it io n p r e s e n t s h im s e lf toan in d iv id u al of ev e n higher s t a t u s

      elevator operator in a tux??

    116. anger

      feels kind of narrow- is it only a temporal projectiom? idk

    117. A p p e a r a n c e ’ may be ta k e n to refer tot h o s e stim uli which function at th e tim e to tell u s of th eperform er’s s o c ia l s t a t u s e s . T h e s e stimuli also te ll u s o fth e i n d i v i d u a l 's tem porary ritu a l s t a t e , th a t i s , w hether he i se n g a g in g in formal s o c ia l a c tiv i ty , work, or informal re c re a tio n ,w h eth e r or not he is c e le b r a tin g a new p h a s e in the s e a s o nc y c le or in h is lif e -c y c le . ' M a n n e r ' may be ta k e n to refer toth o s e stim uli w hich fu n ction at the tim e to warn u s of th e intera c tio n ro le th e performer will e x p e c t to play in th e on-comings it u a ti o n .

      appearance are status and other identifications (can show things like what you do for work) Manner tells us of oncoming action within a persons role (what the person expects to happen or how others are to respond)

    118. p e r s o n a l f r o n t ’ torefer to the oth e r ite m s of e x p r e s s i v e e q u ip m en t, th e ite m s th a twe most in tim a te ly id e n tify with th e perform er him s elf and th atwe n a t u r a lly e x p e c t will follow t h e perform er w herever he g o e s .As part of p e r s o n a l front we may i n c l u d e : in s ig n ia of o ffic e orr a n k ; c l o t h i n g ; s e x , age, and r a c ia l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s ; s i z e andl o o k s ; p o s t u r e ; s p e e c h p a t t e r n s ; f a c ia l e x p r e s s i o n s ; bodil

      apart of the "front" is expressive equipment, what is used to express oneself

    119. ro n t, th e n , i s th e e x p r e s s i v e e quipm ent of as ta n d a r d kind i n t e n t io n a lly or unw ittin g ly em ployed by theind iv id u al during h is perform ance. F or p relim in ary p u r p o s e s , itv.ill be c o n v e n ie n t to d i s t i n g u i s h and la b e l what s e e m to be thesta n d aril p a r t s of fron

      Labeling- The "front" of the stage

    120. v a lid .

      person wants the validation and seeks it from others but lowkey doesn't deserve it or that his constructed stage is real

    121. Another il l u s t r a t i o n maybe found in th e raw re c ru it who in it ia l ly fo llo w s army e t iq u e t tein o rd e r to a v oid p h y s ic a l punish m en t and who e v e n tu a lly co m esto follow th e r u l e s s o th a t h is o r g a n iz a tio n will not be sh a m e dand h i s o f f i c e r s a n d f e ll o w - s o ld i e r s will r e s p e c t him

      so little distinction between performing and becoming

    122. t h e s e a r e c y n i c a l perform ers w hosea u d i e n c e s will not a llow them to be s in c e r e . Similarly, we findth a t s y m p a th e tic p a t i e n t s in m ental w ards will s o m e tim e s feignb iz a r re sym ptom s so th a t s tu d e n t n u r s e s will not be s u b je c t e dto a d is a p p o in ti n g ly s a n e perform ance. 1 So a ls o , when inferi o r s e x ten d th e ir most la v is h r e c e p tio n for v i s i tin g s u p e rio r s ,th e s e l f i s h d e s i r e to win favour may not be the c h i e f m o tiv e;the inferio r may be ta c tf u lly attem p tin g to put the su p e rio r ate a s e by s im u la tin g the kind of world the s u p e r io r i s thought tota k e for gran ted

      there is often a demand to be insincere that the cynical performers, in their hyperawareness of the gap between reality and the performers, more willingly offer up this insincerity.

    123. A c y n i c a l in d ividual mayd elu d e h i s a u d i e n c e for what he c o n s i d e r s to be th e ir own good,or for the good o f the com munity, e t c .

      not every cynical performer evil- some work to do good with such performance

    124. It shou ld be u n d e rsto o d th a t th e c y n ic , witha ll h i s p r o f e s s io n a l d isin v o lv e m e n t, may o b ta in u n p r o fe s s io n a lp l e a s u r e s from his m a sq u e ra d e , e x p e r ie n c in g a kind of gleefuls p ir itu a l a g g r e s s io n from th e fac t that h e c a n toy a t will withsom ething h i s a u d i e n c e m ust ta k e s e r i o u s l y

      MMEEEE

    125. C o u p led with th i s , th e perform er may be moved to .guide theco n v ic tio n of h i s a u d i e n c e only a s a m e a n s to o th e r e n d s ,ha v in g no u ltim ate co n c ern in th e c o n c e p t io n th a t th e y hav e ofhim o r of th e s it u a ti o n

      other extreme- individual isn't at all convinced of own performance, may not actually care if its real me asf

    126. p r e s e n te d .

      one extreme someone is so convicted of their own performance and the other is also so convinced- exists no true distinction between the reality being stage and the real reality- only a sociologist gaf about such distinction

    127. people

      Reciprocal relationship- people believe one's performance for their benefit and people put on a performance for the sake of others

    128. i s th a t th e i l l u s t r a t i o n s to g e th er fit into a co h e ren t framework that t i e s to g e th e r b i t s of e x p e r ie n c e the r e a d e r h a s a lre a d yhad and p r o v id e s th e stu d e n t with a guide worth t e s t i n g in c a s e -s t u d i e s ’of i n s t itu ti o n a l s o c ia l life

      ethnography vibes- iffy methodology but good theories?

    129. In re a l life,th e t h r e e p a r t i e s are c o m p re s s e d into t w o ; th e p a rt o n e in d iv id u a l p l a y s i s ta ilo r e d to th e p a r ts p la y e d by th e o t h e r s pres e n t , and yet t h e s e o th e rs a l s o c o n s t i t u t e t h e a u d i e n c e .

      except this time, the audience is the performers

    130. e s t a g e p r e s e n t s t h i n g s th a t are m a k e - b e lie v e ; p resumab ly life p r e s e n t s th i n g s th a t are rea l a n d s o m e tim e s not wellr e h e a r s e d .

      use the metaphor of the theater- presentation of oneself in response to presentation of others for an audience- world of make-believe

  2. inst-fs-iad-prod.inscloudgate.net inst-fs-iad-prod.inscloudgate.net
    1. Thus there may be tangible social reasons why Jews have become preoccupied with certain scientific enterprises, but it isimpossible to predict scientific positions in terms of their beingheld by Jews or non-Jews.

      that many jew are scientists- yet being a jew doesn't make you a scientists- shows how social interests of a group distanced from members of a group itself

    2. hese result from accentuations of role specialization to thepoint where role-specific knowledge becomes altogether esoteric as against the common stock of knowledge.

      at some point- segmentation can put general knowledge at war with role-specific knowledge

      • anti-vaxxers and whatnot
    3. There will now be an objectiveproblem with respect to an encompassing integration ofmeanings within the entire society.

      when societys divert from everyone holding all knowledge to some groups holding some knowledge- issue of how institutional meanings are to be picked up by society as a whole

    4. The analysis of roles is of particular importance to the sociology of knowledge because it reveals the mediations betweenthe macroscopic universes of meaning objectivated in a societyand the ways by which these universes are subjectively real toindividuals

      above explains how sweeping categories of ideas are actualized

    5. Looked at from theper�pe�tive of the institutional order, the roles appear asmsutut10nal representations and mediations of the institutionally objectivated aggregates of knowledge. Looked at fromthe perspective of the several roles, each role carries with it asocially defined appendage of knowledge

      institutional roles are both representations of an institutions body of knowledge as well as a social entity that maintains a certain knowledge

    6. In this way, each role opens anentrance into a specific sector of the society's total stock ofknowledge. To learn a role it is not enough to acquire theroutines immediately necessary for its 'outward' performance.One must also be initiated into the various cognitive and evenaffective layers of the body of knowledge that is directly andindirectly appropriate to this rol

      roles are things tapped into for the benefit of the larger society- demands multiple bodies of knowledge not all of which are inherently related to their role

    7. All these representations, however, derive theircontinuing significance an� even intelligibility from theirutilization in human conduct, which here, of course, is conducttypified in the institutional roles of the law

      everything within institution derived from institutional roles such as language, symbols, etc.

    8. The roles represent the institutional order. 38 This representation takes place on two levels. First, performance of the rolerepresents itself. For instance, to engage in judging is to represent the role of judge. The judging individual is not acting'on his own', but qua judge. Second, the role represents anentire institutional nexus of conduct. The role of j udge standsin relationship to other roles, the totality of which comprisesthe institution of law.

      role represents itself and a whole interrelation for roles and knowledge within a social order

    9. and used to verifythe credentials of all performers and, by the same token, serveas controls

      standards of type casts can be used to verify performance of others

    10. . In other words, a segment ofthe self is objectified in terms of the socially availabletypifications

      in this- we ourselves become objectified by the roles we assume in the social world

    11. Now a part· of the self is objectified as the performer of this action, withthe whole self again becoming relatively disidentifi.ed from theperformed action. That is, it becomes possible to conceive ofthe self as having been only partially involved in the action(after all, the man in our example is other things besides beinga nephew-thrasher)

      in assuming typified roled- we ascribe ourselves as a performer of a social action as distinguished from a whole delf

    12. The objectivated meanings of institutional activity are conceived of as 'knowledge' and transmitted as such. Some of this'knowledge' is deemed relevant to all, some only to certaintypes

      process of extending objectivated meaning beyond the relevant institution

    13. It may refer, for instance, to thetransmission of typifications of others not directly relevant tospecific institutions. For example, others are typified as 'tall'or 'short', 'fat' or 'thin', 'bright' or 'dull', without any particular institutional implications being attached to these typifications.

      process extends to typifications not directly correlated with institutions

    14. In other words, legitimationscan succeed each other, from time to time bestowing newmeanings on the sedimented experiences of the collectivity inquestion.

      sedimantations legitimize themselves and reform until the actual sentiment from the experience itself barely correlates with the collection of sedimentations present

    15. The objectification of the experiencein the language (that is, its transformation .int� a gener�lyavailable object of knowledge) then allows 1ts mcorporattoninto a larger body of tradition by way of moral instruction,inspirational poetry, religious allegory .and whatnot.

      Sedimation- the taking of the sentiments of one experience and sharing it until it becomes moral instruction or emotionally symbolic. This dispersion allows it to become a broad area of knowledge

    16. As the institution ofhunting is crystallized and persists in time, the same body ofknowledge serves as an objective (and, incidentally, empiricallyverifiable) description of it

      body of knowledge includes its own description and definition of it

    17. Since this knowledge is socially objectivatedas knowledge, that is, as a body of generally valid truths aboutreality, any radical deviance from the institutional orderappears as a departure from reality

      this institutional logics and self-legitimizing paradigms becomes socially objectivated as knowlege wherein everything different, differs from reality

    18. It is very easy, as aresult, for the observer of any society to assume that itsinstitutions do indeed function and integrate as they are'supposed to'.

      because we rely on social stock of knowledge and social world as a whole- easy to thing of institutions as rational- function as rational or value rational in all aspects

      if not- what would that imply for us??

    19. As theindividual reflects about the successive moments of hisexperience, he tries to fit their meanings into a consist�ntbiographical framework. This tendency increa�es . as the .Individual shares with others his meanings and their biographicalintegration.

      biological continuities among people subscribed to certain institutions but these are not biologically driven

    20. The institutions must and do claim authority overthe individual, independently of the subjective meanings hemay attach to any particular situation. The priority of theinstitutional definitions of situations must be consistentlymaintained over individual temptations at redefinition

      because people recently introduced to institution who didn't found it don't have same idea of necessity and reason for institution- institution must survive by positing itself as an authority beyond an individuals subjective beliefs, desires and experiences

    21. It follows that theexpanding institutional order develops a corresponding canopyof legitimations, stretching over it a protective cover of bothcognitive and normative interpretation. These legitimationsare learned by the new generation during the same processthat socializes them into the institutional order. This, again,will occupy us in greater detail further on.

      the social order creates its own criteria of legitimization that is inherited alongside the institution and order itself- protects it from disregarding its whole standing

    22. Since institutions exist as external reality,the individual cannot understand them by introspection. Hemust 'go out' and learn about them, just as he must to learnabout nature.

      institutions become a reality in that they are external- only known by experience outside of introspection and at the whim of forces beyond oneself

    23. Empirically, of course, the institutional world transmitted by most parents already has the character of historicaland objective reality. The process of transmission simplystrengthens the parents' sense of reality, if only because, toput it crudely, if one says, 'This is how these things are done',often enough one believes it oneself. 2

      institutional world in its creation is objective in that it is shared but becomes more objective seeming as it is passed on

    24. For the children, the parentally transmitted world is not fully transparent. Since they had no partin shaping it, it confronts them as a given reality that, likenature, is opaque in places at least.

      once transmitted to the next generation- the formed social world hardens - next generation is distanced from its development and was given social world under the assumption that it "is" the way things are done

    25. This means that the institutionsthat have now been crystallized (for instance, the institutionof paternity as it is encountered by the children) are experienced as existing over and beyond the individuals who'happen to' embody them at the moment. In other words, theinstitutions are now experienced as possessing a reality of theirown, a reality that confronts the individual as an external andcoercive fact. 2

      the assumption of institutionalized positions through an objective change makes each individual's role as beyond themselves

    26. Theconstruction of this background of routine in tum makespossible a division of labour bet)¥een them, opening the wayfor innovations, which demand a higher level of attention

      creates a division of labour (different from bestie marx) because we can expect what the other person will do and know and therefore act in ways knowing that someone else is taking care of the other spheres of life. We can then turn to other higher thinking items.

    27. The most important gain isthat each will be able to predict the other's actions.

      biggest definer of this reciprocity is whether or not you're able to expect what the other person will do

    28. hus a collection of reciprocally typified actions will emerge,habitualized for each in roles, some of which will be performedseparately and some in common. 22 While this reciprocal typification is not yet institutionalization (since, there only bemgtwo individuals, there is no possibility of a typology of actors),it is clear that institutionalization is already present in nucleo

      reciprocity of interactions (reaction to others actions) become habitualized roles to later be institutionalized when more actors are involved

    29. To say that a segment ofhuman activity has been institutionalized is already to saythat this segment of human activity has been subsumed undersocial control

      institutionalizations put human activity under social control

    30. Putdifferently, any such typification is an institution.

      ANY TYPIFICATIONS IS AN INSTITUTION

    31. Institutionalization occurs whenever there is a reciprocaltypification of habitualized actions by types of actors

      institutionalization is typified habitual action by the typecasted people

    32. he activity to beundertaken in these situations can then be anticipated. Evenalternatives of conduct can be assigned standard weights

      don't need to think through everything- just do

    33. And by providing a stable background inwhich human activity may proceed with a minimum ofdecision-making most of the time, it frees energy for suchdecisions as may be necessary on certain occasion

      reduces decisions by narrowing the vast amount of knowledge of what one could do to what one should do

    34. Habitualized actions, of course, retain their meaningfulcharacter for the individual although the meanings involvedbecome embedded as routines in his general stock of knowledge, taken for granted by him and at hand for his projectsinto the future.17

      habitualized actions important type of action because as it integrates things into a general stock of knowledge that easy to not question- very Weber like

    35. In other wordsalthough no existing social order can be derived from bio�logical data, the necessity for social order as such stems fromman's biological equipment

      social order itself derived from biological data but the need for social order can kind of be

    36. it is a human product.

      human product as in of human action not biology- there gotta be a correlation but whateva

    37. One may stimulate one's sexualimagination to a pitch of feverish lust, but it is unlikely thatone can conjure up any image that will not correspond to whatin some other culture is an established norm, or at least anoccurrence to be taken in stride. If the term 'normality' is torefer either to what is anthropologically fundamental or towhat is culturally universal, then neither it nor its antonymcan be meaningfully applied to the varying forms of humansexuality. At the same time, of course, human sexuality isdirected, sometimes rigidly structured, in every particularculture. Every culture has a distinctive sexual configuration,with its own specialized patterns of sexual conduct and its own'anthropological' assumptions in the sexual area. The empiricalrelativity of these configurations, their immense variety andluxurious inventiveness, indicate that they are the product ofman's own socio-cultural formations rather than of a biologically fixed human nature.

      human sexuality has cultural continuities yet also has aspects that are cultural infomred- shows interplay of biologically driven and socially constructed

    38. Notonly is the survival of the human infant dependent upon certain social arrangements, the direction of his organismicdevelopment is socially determined. From the moment ofbirth, man's organismic development, and indeed a large partof his biological being as such, are subjected to continuingsocially determined interferenc

      man develops into socially environment as well as has to survive natural condition

    39. Man's instinctual organization may be described as underdeveloped, compared with that of the other higher mammals.Man does have drives, of course. But these drives are highlyunspecialized and undirected. This means that the humanorganism is capable of applying its constitutionally givenequipment to a very wide and, in addition, constantly variableand varying range of activities

      man is instinctually underdeveloped- our drives are not vastly varied

    40. By contrast, man's relationship to his environment is characterized by world-openness. 3 Not only has man succeeded inestablishing himself over the greater part of the earth's surface,his relationship to the surrounding environment is everywherevery imperfectly structured by his own biological constitution.The latter, to be sure, permits man to engage in different activities. But the fact that he continued to live a nomadic existence in one place and turned to agriculture in another cannotbe explained in terms of biological processes

      man is not bound by geographic location nor by patterns of basic instinct as are animals

    41. There is no man-world in the sensethat one may speak of a dog-world or a horse-world.

      i fear i beg to differ

    42. Knowledge of how the socially available stock ofknowledge is distributed, at least in outline, is an importantelement of that same stock of knowledge. In everyday life Iknow, at least roughly, what I can hide from whom, whom Ican turn to for information on what I do not know, andgenerally which types of individuals may be expected to havewhich types of knowledge.61

      beyond these social stocks of knowledge is knowing how they are distributed- allows you to tap into a larger resource of knowledge as well as informs how you interact with others for your own self interest

    1. He respondedto the challenge and took part enthusiastically in the reform movements thatradiated from the University of Chicago to the city at large. UnUke the sage ofAnn Arbor, the one-time president of Chicago's reforming City Club couldnot maintain a stance of detached observation, but was deeply immersed in theproblems of urban America

      still- he was an urban activist despite pragmatic theoriest

    2. Mead, after his short period at Ann Arbor, taughtin Chicago, a city second to none in its newness, roughness, industrial vitality,

      Mead was urban- Cooley rural

    3. He waited on tables duringhis college years and thereafter immersed himself in the drama of the frontierwhile serving on surveying expeditions. Cooley, the son of an upper-status andindependently wealthy member of the elite, could afford a long period of semi-idleness in order "to find himself." Mead, the son of a poorly paid professor oftheology who died when Mead was still in college and left his widow andchildren in straitened circumstances, could not afford such leisure. If he was"to find himself," it was not in the privacy of his study but in the demandingenvironment of surveying crews, among rough companions who generallyknew litde about the life of the mind.

      Mead pragmatic because he life actually required something of him unlike Cooley

    4. Mead often stressed that the formulation of the relation oflanguage to gesture

      related language to gesture

    5. But, what theRomantic idealists insisted upon is that you cannot have an object without asubject

      Mead fed into German idealism- humans as a subject of the universe make humanity the universe

    6. Darwin taught Mead and his associates to think in terms of process in-stead of fixed forms,

      Darwin take- processes as opposed to fixed forms

    7. secular philosophy had strong and enduring roots in Puritan Christianity

      secular philosophy with strong roots in Puritanism

    8. American thinkers, among themmost early sociologists, who were reared in a strict Puritanical atmosphere butwho freed themselves from theological moorings, most often under the impactof Darwin's teaching

      part of a gen of American thinkers who grew up hell Puritan but freed themselves of it

    9. He was thoroughly at home in all the sub-fields of philosophy and its history and also kept himself abreast of develop-ments in the physical and biological as well as in the social sciences.

      knew a lot about a lot

    10. The son of many generations of Puritan theologians lost his faith in the dog-mas of the church.

      falling out with religion- omg I've never seen this before

    11. In

      social progressive asf

    12. preaching

      and a preachers kid

    13. uritan farmers and clergymen

      religious!!

    14. Mead remained steadfast in his social objectivism.

      Mead is Cooley without hope

    15. fallacy of separateness," whichconsiders actors without reference to the interactions in which they are vari-ously engaged.

      Mead was the one who finally broke down idea of self outside of social

    16. is notion of role-taking, that is, of tak-ing the attitudes of others toward oneself, is not to be confused with whatmodern sociologists call role performance, or living up to the expectations en-tailed by a specific position.

      role taking isn't living up to expectations its beyond that

    17. Mead valued personal auton-omy, but he saw it emerging from feedback rather than from attempts at in-sulation from others.

      personal autonomy emerges from others ideas of you- not a lack of subscription to it entirely

    18. As a "me" the person is aware of himself as an object. He reacts orresponds to himself in terms of the attitudes others have toward him. His self-appraisal is the result of what he assumes to be the appraisal by others. The"me" is the self as conceived and apprehended in terms of the point of viewof significant others and of the community at large. It reflects the laws andthe mores, the organized codes and expectations of the community."^ The "I,"in contradistinction, is "the answer which the individual makes to the attitudewhich others take toward him when he assumes an attitude toward them . . .it gives the sense of freedom, of initiative.""®

      "me"- awareness of myself and what others think of me "i" - reaction or attitudes towards that all yall who are thinking about me

    19. he individualself is individual only because of its relation to others. Through the individual'sability to take in his imagination the attitudes of others, his self becomes anobject of his own reflection.

      ones idea of self is what i think you think of me

    20. It is rather asocial entity emerging in a social process of development from simple con-versations of gestures to the process of identification with the "generalizedother." "The conscious self," Dewey comments on Mead's conception, "was tohim the world of nature first taken up into social relations and then dissolvedto form a new self which then went forth to recreate the world of nature andsocial institutions

      conscious self is in relation to social institutions and roles within them

    21. With the help of the rules that govern the game, the child develops theability to take the place of all the other players and to determine their re-sponses.

      multiple roles of game make the role itself a generalized other- not assigned to an individual at all times but the person embodying it

    22. But in a game in whicha number of individuals playing different roles are involved, in baseball forexample, "the child taking one role must be ready to take the role of everyoneelse."^®

      flexibility and multiplicity of roles = child's development

    23. sees

      closing eyes to play hide and go seek

    24. In this view, human communication becomes pos-sible only when "the symbol [arouses] in one's self what it arouses in theother individual."^*^

      communication- i can affectively convey to you what im thinking and feeling and it be accurately reciprocated

    25. Experience is not first individual and then social.

      THIISSS

    26. Human communicativeprocesses involve the constant self-conscious adjustment of actors to the conductof others, a repeated fitting together of lines of action through definitions andredefinitions, interpretations and reinterpretation

      communication = adjustment of oneself to what we assume others are thinking of us

    27. ignificant gestures involving the use ofsymbols always presuppose the ability of each participant in a communicativeprocess to visualize his own performance from the standpoint of the others, totake the role of the others.

      disinction between other orientated gestures allows an individual to imagine their own behavior through another's eyes

    28. The behavior ofan individual can be understood only in terms of the behavior of the wholesocial group of which he is a member, since his individual acts are involved inlarger, social acts which go beyond himself and which implicate the othermembers of that group.'"^

      Durkheim but make it psychology