Inste:ld of distinb'llishing superstructure from infrastructure, Bourdiell conceptualizes the soci<ll world as a series of relatively :lutonOlllOlLS but srntcrurally homologous fields of production, cireubtion, and consumption ofvarious fonns of cultural as well :JS material resources

Marxist claim th:n cultural pr.ac[ices func·tion to legitimate and l)Crperuate class inequality, he resists focusing on thesymbolic dimension of social life as separate and derivati\'e of the morefundamental material components ofsocial life

property

from l\o[arx, Bourdieu draws his gener.al program to write a sociologyof reproduction.

Their theories of sociological knowledge actually converge inwhat Bourdieu calls the "principle of non-consciousness" (Bourdieu,Ch:unboredon, and I}asseron 1991:15-18), which posits that the scientificexplanation of social life does not reduce to comlllon everyday perceptionsor individual ideas or intentions

By suljecriviS'lII, BOUl·dicu means all those forms of knoll' ledgethat focus on individual or intersubjective consciousness and interactions.By objectivism he means all those forms of knowlcdge that focus on [ile,t;ltistical regularities of human conduct. Both his key concepts, habitus andjidll display a similar movement of dlOughr. Habitus calls for moving to:1 conception of action and structure that breaks with and trJnscends thetr:lditiunal dichotornies ofsubjectivisrn and objectivism.

He is interested incalling attention to the 1·cSCIn.b prQ(CSS itself and strcsscs tll.H the sodolo�gist's relationship to his or her practicc is usually mediatcd by values, atti�tudes and their represcntations that are frequently quite remOte froUl thefomlal standards of verification.

l)'. He �ces a unique role for epistemology as a necessaryn::ilexive monitoring instrument for increasing awareness of both the cogniI ive and social conditions that shape and lilllit existing scientific work

cientificprogress is marked by abrupt shifts in outlook, not by cumulative knowledge. Earlier conceptuali"n1tions and constructs :HC displaced and replacedby new, more encompassing understanding

is historical, discontinuous, dialectical, and no longer centered in some continuous, unchanging, or ever-renewing cogito.

I tried totranspose into the ficld of the sodal sciences a whole epistemological tra-

Bourclieu's intellectual lineage clearly owesmuch more to the second campi yet his intellectual project represents acritical dialogue with both

n approaching the Bourdieu's work it is helpful-particularly for British and American social scientists-to keep in mind that he originally studied philosophy and approaches his social scientific work through disrincti},philosophical concerns.

Bourdieu's work is nor to be thought of as strictly academic socialscience; it also represents a mode of political illfl'"ve1ltioll

in fact, a critical reflection on the usc of social scientific categories hascharacterized Bourdieu's work from the very start.

Rather, he arglJes thaI" it is QI/ly I"hrough a reOcxjve practiceof soci:.l inquiry that one can hope to achieve ,I desirable degree of objectivity on the social world.

resistance

The soei:llunconscious consists of those unacknowledged interests that actors followas they p:lrtieipatc in :In unegalitarian soci:ll orde

Bourdieu is nmong the first of the post-\,yorld "Var II generation ofsociologiSts to make the agellcy/strucnlre issue central to his sociolob'Y.

His theory of symbolic intcrests reconceptualizes the relations between thesymbolic and material aspects of social life by extending the idea of economic interest to the realm of culture. There are symbolic interests juSt asthere arc matcrial interests. l ie conceptualizes culture as a form of capiralwith specific laws of accumulation, cxchange, and exercise

Bourdieu's sociology represcms a bold attempt to find a middle road that transcends thc classicidealism/materialism bipolarity by proposing a matcrialist yet nonreduCliveaccount of cultural life.l

Bourdieu fo·cuses on lhc role culture plays in social repro<iuclion.

Cuhure, then, is not devoid of political content butrather is an expression of it

Hourdieu argues, can he found by cxploring howcultural rcsourccs, processes, and institutions hold individuals and groupsin competitivc and self-perpetuating hicrarchies of domination. He advanccs thc bold claim that nil cultural symbols and pr:lctices, from artistictastes, style in dress, and c:lting habits to religion, sciencc and philosophyeven language itself-embody interests and function to enh:mcc social distinctions.

a change of 'morality', rather than of attitude

The prison hasalways formed part of an active 6eld in which proiects, improve-ments, experiments, theoretical statements,personal evidence andinvestigations have proliferated

by the law has as its principal aim the reparation of the crime, it alsodesires the amendment of the guilty man

.In short, penalimprison-ment, from the beginning of the nineteenthcentury, coveredboththe deprivation of liberty and the technicalransformation ofindividua

thatone is in prison in order to 'pay one's debt'. The prison is'natural', iust as the useof time to mqxlure exchangesis 'natural'in our society

We :re awareof all the inconveniencesof prison,and that it is dangerouswhen it is not useless.And yet onecannot'see'how to replaceit. It is the detestablesolution,which oneseemsunableto do without

At this point,the disciplines crossed the 'technological' threshold. First thehospital, then the school, then, later, the workshop were not sim-ply 'reordered' by the disciplines; they became, thanks to them,apparatusessuch that any mechanism of objectification could beused in them as an instmment of subjection, and any growth ofpower could give rise in them to possible branches of knowledge;it was this link, proper to the technological systems, that madepossible within the disciplinary element the formation of clinicalmedicine, psychiatry, child psychology, educational psychology,the rationalization oflabour.

And, although the universaljuridicism of modernsocietyseemsto fix limits on the exerciseof power,its universallywidespreadpanopticismenablesit to operate,on the undersideofthe law, a machinerythat is both immenseand minute,which sup-ports, reinforces,multiplies the asymmetryof power and under-minesthe limits that are tracedaround the la

Regularand institutionalasit may be, the discipline,in its mechanism,is a'counter-law

he contract may have been regardedas the ideal foundation of law and political Power; panopticismconstituted the technique, universally widespread, of coercion

he generaliuridical form that guaranteed a system of rights that were egali-tarian in principle was suPPortedby these tiny, everyday, physicalmechanisms,by all those systemsof micro-power that are essentiallynon-egalitarian and asymmeuical that we call the disciplines. Andalthough, in a formal way' the rePresentativer6gime makcs it pos-_sible, directly or indirectly, with or without relays, for the will ofatl to form the fundamental authority of sovereignty, the disciplinesprovide, at the base, a guarantee of the submission of forces andtodies.

uridico-political structures of a society; it is nonetheless notabsolutely independent

e are much lessGreeks thanwe believe. We are neither in the amphitheatre, nor on the stage,but in the panoptic machine,invested by its effectsof power, whichwe bring to ourselves since we are part of its mechanism

'To procurefor a smallnumber,or evenfor a singleindividual,theinstantaneousview of a great multitude

disciplinary function to its role as the auxiliary of justice in thepursuit of criminals and as an instrument for the political supervisionof plots, opposition movements or revolts.

One also seesthe spread of disciplinary procedures, not in theform of enclosed institutions, but as centres of observation dis-seminated throughout society

hey become attached to someof the great essentialfunctions: factory production, the transmissionof knowledge, the diffusion of aptitudesand skills, the war-machine

. At first, they wereexpected to neutralize dangers, to fix uselessor disturbed popula-tions, to avoid the inconveniencesof over-large assemblies;nowthey were being asked to play a positive role, for they were becom-ing able to do so, to increase the possible utility of individuals

, nor for the immediate salvation of athreatened society: its aim is to strengthen the social forces - toincrease production, to develop the economy, spread education,raise the level of public morality; to increaseand multiply.

It does this in severalways: becauseit can reduce thenumber of those who exercise it, while increasing the number ofthose on whom it is exercised.Becauseit is possible to intervene atany moment and becausethe constant pressureacts even before theoffences,mistakesor crimes have been committed. Because,in theseconditions, its strength is that it never intervenes, it is exercisedspontaneouslyand without noise, it constitutes a mechanismwhoseeffects follow from one another. Because,without any physicalinstrument other than architecture and geometry, it acts directly onindividuals; it gives 'power of mind over mind'.

But the Panopticon must not beunderstood as a dream building: it is the diagram of a mechanismofpower reducedto its ideal form; its functioning, abstractedfrom anyobstacle,resistanceor friction, must be representedas a pure archi-tectural and optical system:it is in fact a figure of political technologythat may and must be detachedfrom any specific use.

And, in any case,enclosedas he is in the middle of this architectural mechanism, is not thedirector's own fate entirely bound up with iti

Thanks to its mechanismsof observation, itgains in efficiency and in the ability to penetrareinto men's beha-viourl knowledge follows the advancesof power, discovering newobjects of knowledge over all the surfaces on which power isexercised

The Panopticon is a privileged place forexperimentson men, and for analysing with complete certainty thetansformations that may be obtained from them

It makesit possibleto draw updifferences:amongpatients,to observethesymptomsof eachindivi-dual,without the proximity of beds,the circulationof miasmas,theeffectsof contagionconfusingthe clinical tables;among school-children, it makesit possibleto observeperformances(withouttherebeing any imitation or copying), to map aptitudes,to assesscharacters,to draw up rigorous classificationsand, in relation tonormaldevelopment,to distinguish'lazinessandstubbornness'from'incurableimbecility';amongworkers,it makesit possibleto notethe aptitudesof eachworker, comparethe time he takesto performa task, and if they are paid by the day, to calculatetheir wages(Bentham,b-64).

By this very fact, the externalPowermaythrow off its physicalweighl; it tendsto the non-corporal;and,themore it approachesthis limit, the more constant,profound andpermanentare its efiects:it is a perpetualvictory that avoidsanyphysicalconfrontationand which is alwaysdecidedin advanc

Unverifiable: the inmate must never know whether he is beinglooked at at any one moment; but he must be sure that he may alwaysbe so.

The crowd, a compact mass, a locus of multipleexchanges,individualities merging together, a collective effect, isabolished and replaced by a collection of separatedindividualities.From the point of view of the guardian, it is replacedby a multipli-city that can be numbered and supervised;from the point of view ofthe inmates, by a sequesteredand observed solitude

The arrangement of his room,opposite the central tover, imposes on him an axial visibility; butthe divisions of the ring, those separated cells, imply a lateralinvisibility. And this invisibility is a guaranteeof order

he existenceof a whole set of techniques and institutionsfor measuring, supervising and correcting the abnormal brings intoplay the disciplinary mechanismsto which the fear of the plaguegave rise

On the one hand, the lepersare treated asplague victims; the tactics of individualizing disciplines are imposedon the excluded; and, on the other hand, the universality ofdisci-plinary controls makes it possible to brand the 'leper' and to bringinto play against him the dualistic mechanismsof exclusion.

reat'lepers' as 'plaguevictims', project the subtle segmentations of discipline onto theconfusedspaceof internment, combine it with the methods of analy-tical distribution proper to power, individualize the excluded, butuse proceduresof individualization to mark exclusion - this is whatwas operated regularly by disciplinary power from the'beginningof the nineteenthcentury in the psychiatric asylum, the penitentiary,the reformatoV, the approved school and, to some extent, thehospital.

The leper and his separation; the plague and its segmentations. Thefirst is marked; the second analysed .and distributed.

This enclosed, segmented space, observed at every point, inwhich the individuals are inserted in a fixed place, in which theslightest movements are supervised, in which all events are recorded,in which an uninterrupted work of writing links the centre andperiphery, in which power is exercised without division, accordingto a continuous hierarchical figure, in which each individual is con-stantly located, examined and distributed among the living beings,the sick and the dead - all this constitutes a compact model of thedisciplinary mechanism

This surveillance is based on a system of permanent registration:reports from the syndics to the intendants, from the intendants tothe magistrates or mayor. At the beginning of the 'lock up', the roleof each of the inhabitants present in the town is laid down, one byone; this document bears 'the name, age, sex of everyone, notwith-standing his condition': a copy is sent to the intendant of the quarter,another to the office of the town hall, another to enable the syndicto make his daily roll call

If there is a politics-war series that passes through strategy,there is an army-politics series that passes through tactics. It isstrategy that makes it possible to understand warfare as a way ofconducting politics between states; it is tactics that makes it possibleto understand the army as a principle for maintaining the absence ofwarfare in civil society

actics

four characteristics: it is cellular (by theplay of spatial distribution), it is organic (by the coding of activities),it is genetic (by the accumulation of time), it is combinatory (by thecomposition of forces)

each must be adjusted to the time of the others in such a way that themaximum quantity of forces may be extracted from each and com-bined with the optimum result

The individual body becomes an element that may be placed,moved, articulated on others.

thespecial productive power of the combined working-day is, underall circumstances, the social productive power of labour, or theproductive power of social labour. This power is due to cooperationitself' (Marx, Capital,vol. 1, 311-12). On several occasions, Marxstresses the analogy between the problems of the division of labourand those of military tactics.

Draw up series of series; lay down for each individual,according to his level, his seniority, his rank, the exercises that aresuited to him; common exercises have a differing role and eac

inalize these temporal segments, decide on how longeach will last and conclude it with an examination,

rganize these threads according to ananalytical plan - successions of elements as simple as possible,combining according to increasing complexit

Divide duration into successive or parallel segments, each ofwhich must end at a specific time.

The disciplines,which analyse space, break up and rearrange activities, must also beunderstood as machinery for adding up and capitalizing time

The body, required to be docile in its minutest opera-tions, opposes and shows the conditions of functioning proper to anorganism. Disciplinary power has as its correlative an individualitythat is not only analytical and 'cellular', but also natural and'organic'.

The regulation imposed by power is at the same time the law ofconstruction of the operation. Thus disciplinary power appears tohave the function not so much of deduction as of synthesis, not somuch of exploitation of the product as of coercive link with theapparatus of production

A disciplined body is theprerequisite of an efficient gesture

Good handwriting, for example, presupposesa gymnastics - a whole routine whose rigorous code invests the bodyin its entirety, from the points of the feet to the tip of the indexfinge

Theact is broken down into its elements; the position of the body, limbs,articulations is defined; to each movement are assigned a direction,an aptitude, a duration; their order of succession is prescribed

obligatory rhythm, imposed froll\ the outside; it is a 'programme';it assures the elaboration of the act itself; it controls its developmentand its stages from the inside

Time measured andpaid must also be a time without impurities or defect

But an attempt is also made to assure the quality of the time used:constant supervision, the pressure of supervisors, the elimination o(anything that might disturb or distract; it is a question of constitut-ing a totally useful time:

Guibert systematically implemented the chronometric measurementof shooting that had been suggested earlier by Vauban. In the ele-mentary schools, the division of time became increasingly minute;activities were governed in detail by orders that had to be obeyedimmediately: 'At the last stroke of the hour, a pupil will ring thebell, and at the first sound of the bell all the pupils will kneel, withtheir arms crossed and their eyes lowered. When the prayer has beensaid, the teache1 will strike the signal once to indicate that the pupilsshould get up, a second time as a sign that they should salute Christ,and a third that they should sit down' (La Salle, Conduite ... , 27-8).

The time-tahle is an old inheritance

The first of the great operations of discipline is, there-fore, the constitution of 'tahleaux vivants', which transform theconfused, useless or dangerous multitudes into ordered multiplici-ties.

In organizing 'cells', 'places' and 'ranks', the disciplines createcomplex spaces that are at once architectural, functional and hier-archica

It made theeducational space function like a learning machine, but also as amachine for supervising, hierarchizing, rewarding.

By assigning individual places it made possible thesupervision of each individual and the simultaneous work of all. Itorganized a new economy of the time of apprenticeship

Discipline is an art of rank,a technique for the transformation of arrangements. It individualizesbodies by a location that does not give them a fixed position, butdistributes them and circulates them in a network of relations

The unit is, therefore, neither theterritory (unit of domination), nor the place (unit of residence), butthe rank: the place one occupies in a classification,the point at whicha line and a column intersect,

Thus, spread out in a per-fectly legible way over the whole series of individual bodies, thework force may be analysed in individual units. At the emergenceof large-scale industry, one finds, beneath the division of the pro-duction process, the individualizing fragmentation of labour power;the distributions of the disciplinary space often assured both

By walking up and down the centralaisle of the workshop, it was possible to carry out a supervision thatwas both general and individual: to observe the worker's presenceand application, and the quality of his work; to compare workerswith one another, to classify them according to skill and speed;to follow the successive stages of the production process. All theseserializations formed a permanent grid: confusion was eliminated2

Gradually, an administrative and political space was articulated upona therapeutic space; it tended to individualize bodies, diseases,symptoms, lives and deaths; it constituted a real table of juxtaposedand carefully distinct singularities. Out of discipline, a medicallyuseful space was born

But

iscipline organizes an analytical space

It does thisfirst of all on the principle of elementary location or partitioning.Each individual has his own place; and each place its individual.Avoid distributions in groups; break up collective dispositions;analyse confused, massive or transient pluralities. Disciplinary spacetends to be divided into as many sections as there are bodies orelements to be distributed. One must eliminate the effects of impre-cise distributions, the uncontrolled disappearance of individuals,their diffuse circulation, their unusable and dangerous coagulation;it was a tactic of anti-desertion, anti-vagabondage, anti-concentra-tion.

The aim is to derive the maximum advantages and toneutralize the inconveniences (thefts, interruptions of work, dis-turbances and 'cabals'), as the forces of production become moreconcentrated; to protect materials and tools and to master the labourforce: 'The order and inspection that must be maintained require

In the first instance, discipline proceeds from the distribution of in-dividuals in space

meticulous observation of detail, and at the same time apolitical awareness of these small things, for the control and use ofmen, emerge through the classical age bearing with them a wholeset of techniques, a whole corpus of methods and knowledge,descriptions, plans and data

he meticulousness ofthe regulations, the fussiness of the inspections, the supervision ofthe smallest fragment oflife and of the body will soon provide, in thecontext of the school, the barracks, the hospital or the workshop,a laicized content, an economic or technical rationality for thismystical calculus of the infinitesimal and the infinite

They

They were at work in secondary education at a very earlydate, later in primary schools; they slowly invested the space of thehospital; and, in a few decades, they restructured the militaryorganization.

let us saythat disciplinary coercion establishes in the body the con-stricting link between an increased aptitude and an increaseddomination

If economic exploit-ation separates the force and the product of labour,

A'political anatomy', which was also a 'mechanics of power', wasbeing born; it defined how one may have a hold over others' bodies,not only so that they may do what one wishes, but so that they mayoperate as one wishes, with the techniques, the speed and the effi-ciency that one determines

hey were different, too, from 'service', which was aconstant, total, massive, non-analytical, unlimited relation ofdomination, established in the form of the individual will of themaster, his 'caprice'. They were different from vassalage, which wasa highly coded, but distant relation of submission, which bore lesson the operations of the body than on the products of labour andthe ritual marks of allegiance. Again, they were different fromasceticism and from 'disciplines' of a monastic type, whose functionwas to obtain renunciations rather than increases of utility andwhich, although they involved obedience to others, had as theirprincipal aim an increase of the mastery of each individual over hisown body.

Lastly, there is themodality: it implies an uninterrupted, constant coercion, super-vising the processes of the activity rather than its result and it isexercised according to a codification that partitions as closely aspossible time, space, movement

movements, gestures, attitudes,rapidity: an infinitesimal power over the active body

The celebrated automata, on the other hand, were notonly a way of illustrating an organism, they were also politicalpuppets, small-scale models of power

The classical age discovered the body as object and target ofpower.

What was at issue was not whether the prison environmentwas too harsh or too aseptic, too primitive or too efficient, but itsvery materiality as an instrument and vector of power; it is thiswhole technology of power over the body that the technology ofthe 'soul' - that of the educationalists, psychologists and psychia-trists - fails either to conceal or to compensate, for the simple reasonthat it is one of its tools.

Were theyrevolts whose aims were merely material? Or contradictory revolts:against the obsolete, but also against comfort; against the warders,but also against the psychiatrists

A 'soul' inhabits himand brings him to existence, which is itself a factor in the masterythat power exercises over the body. The soul is the effect andinstrument of a political anatomy; the soul is the prison of the bod

The man described forus, whom we are invited to free, is already in himself the effect of asubjection much more profound than himsel

Rather than seeing this soul as the reactivated remnants of an ideo-logy, one would see it as the present correlative of a certain tech-nology of power over the body. It would be wrong to say that thesoul is an illusion, or an ideological effect. On the contrary, it exists,it has a reality, it is produced permanently around, on, within thebody by the functioning of a power that is exercised on thosepunished

At the opposite pole one might imagine placing thebody of the condemned man; he, too, has his legal status; he givesrise to his own ceremonial and he calls forth a whole theoreticaldiscourse, not in order to ground the 'surplus power' possessed bythe person of the sovereign, but in order to code the 'lack of power'with which those subjected to punishment are marked.

One would be concerned with the 'body politic', as a set ofmaterial elements and techniques that serve as weapons, relays,communication routes and supports for the power and knowledgerelations that invest human bodies and subjugate them by turningthem into objects of knowledge.

that power and knowledge directly imply oneanother; that there is no power relation without the correlativeconstitution of a field of knowledge, nor any knowledge that doesnot presuppose and constitute at the same time power relations.

Lastly, they are not univocal; theydefine innumerable points of confrontation, focuses of instability,each of which has its own risks of conflict, of struggles, and of anat least temporary inversion of the power relations.

elations between the state and its citizens or on the frontierbetween classes and that they do not merely reproduce, at the levelof individuals, bodies, gestures and behaviour, the general form ofthe law or government; that, although there is continuity

Now, the study of this micro-physics presupposes that the powerexercised on the body is conceived not as a property, but as astrategy, that its effects of domination are attributed not to 'appro-priation', but to dispositions, manoeuvres, tactics, techniques,functionings; that one should decipher in it a network of relations,constantly in tension, in activity, rather than a privilege that onemight possess; that one should take as its model a perpetual battlerather than a contract regulating a transaction or the conquest of aterritory. In short this power is exercised rather than possessed;it is not the 'privilege', acquired or preservecl, of the dominantclass, but the overall effect of its strategic positions

What the apparatuses and institu-tions operate is, in a sense, a micro-physics of power, whose fieldof validity is situated in a sense between these great functioningsand the bodies themselves with their materiality and their forces

make use neither of weapons nor of terror and yetremain of a physical order

This political investment of the body is bound up,in accordance with complex reciprocal relations, with its economic

But can one write such a history against the back-ground of a history of bodies, when such systems of punishmentclaim to have only the secret souls of criminals as their objective?

unitive mechanisms serve to provide an additional labour force -and to constitute a body of'civil' slaves in addition to those providedby war or trading; with feudalism, at .a time when money and pro-duction were still at an.early stage of development, we find a suddenincrease in corporal punishment

a means of reducing crime and that, in this role

direction

s not the effect of a transformationof the way in which the body itself is invested by power relations

see whether thereis not some common matrix or ,whether they do not both derivefrom a single process of 'epistemologico-juridical' formation; inshort, make the technology of power the very principle both of thehumanization of the penal system and of the knowledge of ma

Regard punishment as a political tactic

As a consequence, regardpunishment as a complex social function

a genealogy of the present scientifico-legal complex from which the power to punish derives its bases,justifications and rules, from which it extends its effects and by whichit masks its exorbitant singularity.

Today, criminal justice functions andjustifies itself only by this perpetual reference to something otherthan itself, by this unceasing reinscription in non-juridical systems.Its fate is to be redefined by knowledge.

implementation of sentences, and their adjustment to individuals,creates a proliferation of the authorities of judicial decision-makingand extends its powers of decision well beyond the sentence

'Has theact been established and is it punishable?' But also: 'What is this act,what is this act of violence or this murder? To what level or to whatfield of reality does it belong? Is it a phantasy, a psychotic reaction, adelusional episode, a perverse action?' It is no longer simply: 'Whocommitted it?' But: 'How can we assign the causal process thatproduced it? Where did it originate in the author himself? Instinct,unconscious, environment, heredity?' It is no longer simply: 'Whatlaw punishes this offence?' But: 'What would be the most appropriatemeasures to take? How do we see the future development of theoffender? What would be the best way of rehabilitating him?

and is in fact expansionist

Psychiatricexpertise, but also in a more general way criminal anthropology andthe repetitive discourse of criminology, find one of their precisefunctions here: by solemnly inscribing offences in the field of objectssusceptible of scientific knowledge, they provide the mechanismsof legal punishment with a justifiable hold not only on offences, buton individuals; not only on what they do, but also on what they are,will be, may be.

The criminal'ssoul is not referred to in the trial merely to explain his crime andas a factor in the juridical apportioning of responsibility; if it isbrought before the court, with such pomp and circumstance, suchconcern to understand and such 'scientific' application, it is becauseit too, as well as the crime itself, is to be judged and to share in thepunishment.

hut judgement is also passed on the passions, instincts,anomalies, infirmities, maladjustments, effects of environment orheredity; acts of aggression are punished, so also, through them, isaggressivity; rape, but at the same time perversions; murders, butalso drives and desires

n a sense the substanceof which the punishable element is made, rather than its formaldefinition

but something quite different, which is not juridically codifiable:the knowledge of the criminal, one's estimation of him, what isknown about the relations between him, his past and his crime, andwhat might be expected of him in the future.

ut these displacements are perhaps not the most important fact:the division between the permitted and the forbidden has preserveda certain constancy from one century to another.

t seems to be containedin the question itself: since it is no longer the body, it must be thesoul. The expiation that once rained down upon the body must bereplaced by a punishment that acts in depth on the heart, thethoughts, the will, the inclinations. Mably formulated the principleonce and for all: 'Punishment, if I may so put it, should strike thesoul rather than the body' (Mably, 326)

In fact, these changes are accompanied by a dis-placement in the very object of the punitive operation. Is there adiminution of intensity? Perhaps. There is certainly a change ofobjective

It isdifficult to dissociate punishment from additional physical pain.What would a non-corporal punishment be?There remains, therefore, a trace of 'torture' in the modernmechanisms of criminal justice - a trace that has not been entirelyovercome, but which is enveloped, increasingly, by the non-corporalnature of the penal system

he guillotine, first used in March 1792, was the perfect vehicle forthese principles. Death was reduced to a visible, but instantaneousevent

Every man condemned todeath will have his head cut off' - bears this triple signification: anequal death for all

Today a doctor must watch over those condemned to death,right up to the last moment - thus juxtaposing himself as the agentof welfare, as the alleviator of pain, with the official whose task it isto end lif

From being an art of unbearable sensations punish-ment has become an economy of suspended rights.

The body nowserves as an instrument or intermediary: if one intervenes upon itto imprison it, or to make it work, it is in order to deprive theindividual of a liberty that is regarded both as a right and as property

Thissense of shame is constantly growing: the psychologists and theminor civil servants of moral orthopaedics proliferate on the woundit leaves.

operates a theoretical disavowal: do not imagine that the sentencesthat we judges pass are activated by a desire to punish; they areintended to correct, reclaim, 'cure'; a technique of improvementrepresses, in the penalty, the strict expiation of evil-doing, andrelieves the magistrates of the demeaning task of punishing.

Those who carry out the penalty tend tobecome an autonomous sector; justice is relieved of responsibilityfor it by a bureaucratic concealment of the penalty itself

it is the conviction itself that marks theoffender with the unequivocally negative sign: the publicity hasshifted to the trial, and to the sentence; the execution itself is like anadditional shame that justice is ashamed to impose on the con-demned man; so it keeps its distance from the ac

to invert the shame inflicted on thevictim into pity or glory, it often turned the legal violence of theexecutioner into sham

Punishment, then, will tend to become the most hidden part ofthe penal process

The public execution is now seen asa hearth in which violence bursts again into flame

And yet the. fact remains that a few decades saw the disappearance of the tor-tured, dismembered, amputated body, symbolically branded on faceor shoulder, exposed alive or dead to public view. The body as themajor target of penal repression disappeared

We have, then, a public execution and a time-table

ghty years later, Leon Faucher drew up his rules 'for the Houseof young prisoners in Paris'

In fa c t th e re is a s e n s e in which the c a te g o ry ofim po stor, p re v io u s ly referre d co, c a n be d e fin e d a s a p erso nwho m a k e s it im p o s s ib le for h i s a u d i e n c e to be ta c tf u l abo u to b s e rv e d m is r e p r e s e n t a ti o n

In t e l l i n g an untruth, the perform er i s e n jo in e d to reta ina sha dow of j e s t in h i s v o ic e so th a t, should he be caughcout, he c a n d is a v o w an y claim to s e r i o u s n e s s and s a y th a t hew as only joking. In m is r e p r e s e n t in g h is p h y s ic a l a p p e a r a n c e ,th e performer is e n jo in e d to u s e a method w hich a l lo w s of anin n o c e n t e x c u s e .

s e c r e t a r y is being told by theman who i s p re su m a b ly not th e re to te ll her

o re x a m p le , it w a s s u g g e s t e d th a t ta c tf u l o u t s i d e r s in a p h y s ic a lp o s it io n to o v e r h e a r a n i n te r a c t io n m ay o ffe r a s h o w o fi n a t t e n t i o n . In o rd e r to a s s i s t in th is ta c tf u l w ith d ra w a l, th ep a r t i c i p a n t s who feel i t i s p h y s i c a l l y p o s s i b l e for them to beo v e rh e a rd may omit from th e ir c o n v e r s a ti o n and a c t i v i t y anythin gt h a t would ta x t h i s ta c tf u l r e s o lv e of the o u t s i d e r s , and att h e s a m e tim e i n c lu d e e n o u g h s e m i- c o n f id e n t ia l f a c t s to sho wt h a t th e y do not d i s t r u s t th e sh o w of w ith d raw a l p r e s e n te d byt h e o u t s i d e r s

And th en, in turn, it b e c o m e s p o s s i b l e for theperform ers to le a rn th a t the a u d i e n c e k now s th a t the perform ersknow t h e y are being p r o te c te d . Now w hen s u c h s t a t e s ofin fo rm a tio n e x i s t , a moment in th e p erfo rm an ce may com ew h en th e s e p a r a t e n e s s of th e t e a m s w ill b reak down a n d bem o m e n ta rily r e p l a c e d by a com munion of g l a n c e s through w hiche a c h team o p e n ly a d m its to the o th e r i t s s t a t e of inform ation.A t s u c h m o m e n ts th e w hole d r am a tu rg ica l s tr u c t u r e of s o c i a li n t e r a c t i o n i s s u d d e n ly an d p o ig n a n tly la id bare, an d th e lin es e p a r a t i n g th e t e a m s m om entarily d i s a p p e a r s . Whether t h i sc l o s e v ie w of th in g s b rin g s sh a m e or la u g h te r , th e teams» arel ik e ly to d raw r a p id l y b ack in to th e ir a p p o in te d c h a r a c t e r s

th e a u d i e n c e may ta c tfu lly' n o t s e e ’ th e s lip or r e a d ily a c c e p t th e e x c u s e t h a t is o fferedfor it.

T h e g a m e s in tro d u c e dby t h e n u r s e s w e r e on a very c h i l d i s h l e v e l ; many o f che pac iencs felts i l l y p l a y i n g them a n d w ere g l a d when the pa rty w as over a n d theyc o u l d go b ack to a c t i v i t i e s of t h e i r own c h o o s i n g

And when o u t s i d e r s find th e y are a b o u t toe n t e r s u c h a r eg io n , th e y o fte n give t h o s e a lre a d y p r e s e n tsom e w arning, in th e form o f a m e s s a g e , or a knock, or a co u g h ,so t h a t t h e in tru sio n c a n be put off if n e c e s s a r y o r the s e t t i n gh u rrie dly pu t in order and proper e x p r e s s i o n s fixed on t h ef a c e s o f t h o s e p r e s e n t. 1 T h i s kin d o f t a c t c a n bec om e n ic e lye l a b o r a te d . T h u s, in p r e s e n tin g o n e s e l f to a s tr a n g e r by m e a n so f a l e t t e r o f in tro d u c tio n , it i s thought proper to c o n v e y th ele t t e r to th e a d d r e s s e e before a c tu a lly com ing into h i s im m e d ia tep r e s e n c e ; th e a d d r e s s e e then h a s tim e to d e c id e w hat kind ofg r e e tin g th e ind iv id u al i s to r e c e i v e , and tim e to a s s e m b l et h e e x p r e s s i v e m anner a p p r o p r ia te to s u c h a g re e tin g

nt h i s s e c t i o n I w ant to s t r e s s th e f a c t t h a t m o s t o f t h e s ed e f e n s i v e t e c h n i q u e s o f i m p r e s s io n m a n ag e m en t h a v e a c o u n t e rp a rt in t h e ta c tfu l t e n d e n c y o f th e a u d i e n c e and o u t s i d e r s toa c t in a p r o te c tiv e way in o rd e r to help th e p erform ers s a v et h e ir own show .

In a d d itio n , it will be u s e fu l i f th e m em bersof th e te am e x e r c i s e f o re s ig h t and d e s i g n in d e term in in g ina d v a n c e how b e s t to s t a g e a show .

I refer to the fact that w hile theperformer is o s t e n s i b l y im m ersed a n d g iv e n o v er to th e a c tiv i tyhe i s perform ing, and i s a p p a r e n tly e n g r o s s e d in h i s a c t i o n sin a s p o n ta n e o u s , u n c a l c u l a t i n g way, h e m ust n one th e l e s sb e a f f e c tiv e ly d i s s o c i a t e d from h i s p r e s e n ta t io n in a way th a tl e a v e s him free to c o p e with d ram a tu rg ica l c o n t in g e n c ie s a sth e y a r i s e .

but c l e r k scan fre q u e n tly be found who not o n ly a p p e a r to t a k e the r o leo f th e c u s to m e r in g iv in g b u y in g - a d v i c e but a c t u a l l y do so

. It i s a p p a re n t t h a t ifa te a m i s to s u s t a i n the lin e it h a s ta k e n , t h e te a m - m a te sm ust a c t a s i f they h a v e a c c e p t e d c e r ta in moral o b lig a tio n s

Defensive Attributes and Practices

He know ing lyl o w e r s h is d e f e n c e s in th e ir p r e s e n c e , throw ing h im s e lf, a swe s a y , on th e ir m ercy. By s u c h an a c t th e i n d iv i d u a l m a k e sa p le a to the a u d i e n c e to t r e a t t h e m s e l v e s a s part of h is teamo r to a llo w him to tr e a t h im s e lf a s part k>( th e ir te a m

o c o n fro n ts th e perform erswith f a c t s or e x p r e s s i v e a c t s w hich e a c h team know s w ill beu n a c c e p t a b l

im m ed ia te

H ow everth e :? a re s i t u a t i o n s , often c a l l e d ' s c e n e s , ' in w hich a nin d iv id u a l a c t s in s u c h a way a s to d e s tro y or s e r i o u s l y th r e a te nth e p o lite a p p e a r a n c e of c o n s e n s u s , and w hile he may not a c tsi.~:.;ly in o rd er to c r e a t e suci? d i s s o n a n c e , he a c t s wich th ekno w led g e th a t th is kind c f d i s s o n a n c e is lik e ly to r e s u lt .T n e c o m m o n - s e n s e p h rase , ' c r e a t i n g a s c e n e , ’ is a p t b e c a u s e ,in iiifect, a new s c e n e is c r e a te d by s u c h d is r u p tio n s . T h ep r e v io u s and e x p e c t e d in te r p la y betw een th e te a m s i s s u d d e n lyforced a s i d e and a new drama forcibly t a k e s i t s p l a c e

T h e p a s t rife an d c u r r e n t round o f a c t i v i t y o f a givenperform er ty p ic a lly c o n t a in at l e a s t a fe w f a c t s w hich, ifin tro d u c e d d urin g th e perfo rm ance, would d i s c r e d i t or a t l e a s tw eaken the c l a im s a b o u t s e l f th a t the perform er w a s atte m p tin g

Q u e s t io n sa r e r a is e d about the con d itio n of sign equ ip m en t; s ta n d s , lin e s,an d p o s it io n s are te n ta t iv e l y brought forth and ' c l e a r e d ' byth e a s s e m b le d m e m b ersh ip ; the m erits and d em erits of a v a ila b lefront re g io n s are a n a ly z e d ; th e s i z e and c h a r a c te r of p o s s i b l ea u d i e n c e s for the perform an ce a r e c o n s id e r e d ; p a s t perform anced is r u p tio n s and likely d is r u p tio n s are ta lk e d a b o u t; new s aboutth e te a m s of o n e ’s c o l le a g u è s i s tra n s m itte d ; th e receptiongiven on e’s l a s t perform ance i s mulled o v er in what are some-tim e s c a lle d ' p o s t m o r te m s ;’ wounds a r e lic k e d and moralei s s tren g th en e d for th e next perform ance

In c o n v e r s a tio n a l c i r c l e s of five or six, b a s ic a lig nm ents a s betw een one con ju gal pair and another, or betweenh o s t s and g u e s t s , or betw een men and women, may be light-h e a rte d ly s e t a s i d e , and th e p a r ti c ip a n ts will s ta n d rea dy toshift and r e sh ift team a lig n m e n ts with l i t t l e provocation,jo k in g ly joining th eir p r e v io u s a u d ie n c e a g a i n s t th e ir prev io u s

Attem pts are made to e s t a b l i s h a s p e c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p with th ed octor. P a t i e n t s often a t t e m p t to c u l t i v a t e th e i l l u s i o n of a s e c r e tu n d e r s t a n d i n g with the d o c t o r by, for e x a m p le , try in g t o c a t c h h i s ey e

A lso, such rela xatio n ofd i s t a n c e p rovides one m eans by which a fe e lin g of sp o n ta n e ityand involvemenc can be g e n e ra te d in th e in te ractio n . In anyc a s e , in te ra c tio n between two te am s often i n v o lv e s th e takingo f very sm all lib e r tie s , if only a s a m e an s of t e s tin g the groundto s e e if u n e x p e c te d a d v a n ta g e might not be taken of th eo p p osing sid

In te re s tin g lyen ough, th e re are o c c a s i o n s when it s e r v e s t h e w ider g o a lso f th e h ighe r te am to low er b arriers and admit the low er teamto g r e a te r intim acy and e q u a lity with it.

In all of t h e s e c a s e s involving fra te rn iz a tio n between opposings p e c i a l i s t s , th e point i s not th a t the s e c r e t s of the te am s willbe d i s c l o s e d or their in t e r e s t s made to suffer (although t h i smay o c c u r a n d may appear to occur) but rather th at th e imp r e s s io n of opp ositio n that is fo ste re d betw een th e te a m s maybe d is c r e d ite d .

A s p e c i a l i s t onone team may find that he h a s a great deal in common withh i s o p p o s ite number on the oth e r te am and that to g e th e r theyta lk a la n g u a g e which te n d s to align them to g e th e r on a sin g leteam in o p p o sitio n to all the rem aining p a r ti c ip a n ts .

By em ploying double-talk the subo rd in a te c a n i n it ia t e lin e s of ac tio n without giving openrecognition to the e x p r e s s iv e im plica tion of such in itia tio nand w ithout putting into jeopardy th e s t a t u s d iffe re n c e betweenh im s e lf and h i s su p e ro r d in a te .

T h u s whentwo p e rso n s in c o n v e r s a tio n are a tte m p tin g to d isc o v e r howca re fu l they a re going to have to be about s ta tin g th e ir truep o litic a l o pinion s, one of them ca n halt h is gradual d is c lo s u r eo f how far left or how far right he is ju s t a t the point wheret h e o th e r h a s come to th e f u rth e s t extrem e o f his a c tu a l b eliefs

hen in d iv id u a ls a r e unfam iliar with e a c h o th e r’s o p in io n sand s t a t u s e s , a feeling-out p r o c e s s o c c u r s w hereby o n ein d ividual adm its h is v ie w s or s t a t u s e s to another a l i t t l e ata tim e

h is u nofficial com munication may beca rrie d on by innuendo, mim icked a c c e n t s , w ell-placed jo k e s,s ig n ific a n t p a u s e s , v e ile d h in ts , purposeful kidding, e x p r e s s iv eov erto n e s, and many other sig n p r a c tic e s . R u le s regardingth is laxity a re quite s tr ic t. T he com m unicator h a s the right todeny th a t h e ' m e a n t a n y t h i n g 1 by h i s ac tio n , sh o u ld h isr e c ip ie n t s a c c u s e him to his f a c e of h av ing co n v e y ed som ethingu n a c c e p ta b le , and th e r e c ip ie n t s have th e right to a c t a s ifnothing, or only som ething in n o c u o u s, h a s been conveyed.In many kinds of s o c ia l in te r a c tio n , unofficial com municationp rovides a way in which o n e team can ex ten d a defin ite but noncom prom ising in v itatio n to th e other, r e q u e s tin g that s o c ia ld is t a n c e and formality be i n c r e a s e d or d e c r e a s e d , or th a t bothte am s sh ift the in te ra c tio n to one involving the perform anceof a new s e t of r o le s

P e r s o n s who are adm itted to t h is s e c r e t communication a r e p la c e d in a c o l lu s iv e r e la tio n s h ip to one an otherv is - a - v is th e rem ainder of th e p a r tic ip a n ts. By acknow ledgingto one an other that th e y are kee p in g r ele v an t s e c r e t s from theo th e rs p rese n t, th ey ac k n o w led g e to one an other that the showof candour they m aintain, and the show o f being only t h ec h a r a c t e r s they o ffic ia lly project, i s merely a show

By m ocking thethe a u d ie n c e or t e a s i n g a team -m ate, th e performer ca n shownot only th a t he i s not bound by th e o ffic ia l in te r a c tio n buta l s o th a t h e h a s th is in te r a c tio n s o much u n d er control thathe can toy wirh it at will

So, too, em p loyeeswill often grim ace a t their b o s s , or g e s t i c u l a t e a sile n t c u r s e ,performing t h e s e a c t s of contem pt or insub ord ination at ana n g l e s u c h th a t th o s e to whom t h e s e a c t s are directed c a n n o ts e e them. P e r h a p s th e most timid form of th is kind of c o llu s io ni s found in th e pra c tic e of ' d o o d l i n g 1 or of ‘ going a w a y ’ toim aginary p l e a s a n t p la c e s , w hile still m aintaining som e showof performing the part of lis te n e r

e r i s i v e c o l l u s i o n

As p rev io u sly su g g e s te d , evento i t s own members, a team may be a s e c r e t s o c ie ty

P e r h a p s one o f the n o t e s in th e pi anoforte harmonyi s the very no te that the sing er s h o u ld be s in gin g , and so he m a k e st h i s n o te pred o m inate. When t h i s a c t u a l n o te i s n o t writcen in thepiano fo rte p a r t , he must ad d it in the tr e b l e c l e f , where it will p ip eloud a n d c l e a r foe the s i n g e r to hear.

T y p ic ally , t h e s e sta g in g c u e scome from, or to, the direc to r of the perform ance, and it greatlys im p lifie s h is t a s k of managing im p re ssio n s to h a v e suc h asu b te rra n ean lan g u ag e a v a ila b le .

As previouslysu g g e ste d , b a c k s ta g e derogation of the audien ce s e r v e s tomaintain the morale of th e team. And when the a u d ie n c e isp r e s e n t, c o n s id e r a t e treatm ent of them is n e c e s s a r y , not forth e ir sa k e , or for th e ir s a k e merely, but so that c o n tin u a n c eof peaceful and orderly in te r a c tio n will be a s s u re d

m ilarly, the team may ra c e in to b a c k s ta g e r e la x a tio n themoment th e a u d ie n c e h a s departed. By m eans o f th is purposelyrapid sw itc h into or out of th eir act, the team in a s e n s e canco n tam in ate and pro fa n ize the a u d ie n c e b y b a c k s ta g e conduct,o r rebel a g a in s t th e oblig a tio n of m aintain ing a show beforethe a u d ien c e, or make extrem ely c le a r the d iffe re n c e betw eenteam and a u d ie n c e , and do all of t h e s e th in g s without quitebeing c a u g h t out by th e au d ien c

members o f th e team may refer to a s p e c t s of their routine in ac y n i c a l or purely te c h n ic a l way, giving forceful e v id e n c e tot h e m s e lv e s that they do not take the sa m e view of th eir a c tiv itya s the view they m aintain for th e ir a u d ie n c e .

Sometimes membersof the a u d ie n c e are referred to not even by a s lig h tin g namehut by a code ti t l e which a s s i m i l a t e s them fully to an a b s tr a c tca te g o ry . T h u s d o c to rs in the a b s e n c e of a p a tie n t may referto him a s ‘ the c a r d i a c ’ or ' t h e s t r e p ; ’ barb ers privately referto th e ir c u s to m e r s a s ' h e a d s of h a i r

not yet arrived, the perform erswill so m e tim e s play out a sa tir e on their inte raction with theau d ien c e

h e y very regularly d erogatethe a u d ie n c e in a way th a t i s in c o n s i s t e n t with the ( ac e-to -fac etreatm ent th a t i s given to the au d ien c e. In s e r v ic e tra d e s ,for example, c u s to m e r s who are tr e a te d r e sp e c tf u lly duringthe perform ance a re often ridiculed, g o s s i p e d abo ut, c a r ic a tu r e d ,c u rse d , an d c r it ic iz e d when the performers are b a c k s t a g e ;here, too, p la n s may be worked out for ' s e l l i n g ’ them, orem ploying ' a n g l e s ’ a g a i n s t them, o r pac ify in g t h e m .